issues, and (3) the repeal of all federal laws and court decisionsrn(including the civil-rights laws of the 1960’s and the rulings ofrnthe Warren Court) that authorize such involvement. Whateverrn”discriminahons” and racial and ethnic idenhhes that staternand local governments and individuals and groups of differentrnraces and ethnic categories at the private and social level mayrnwish to practice, the federal government should remain entirelyrn”color-blind” or “race-neutral,” in much the same way as itrnmaintains neutrality among different religions, classes, or communities.rnWhat paleoconservatives think about race and thernstate is that the state has no more proper role in designing relationsrnamong the races than it has in designing relations betweenrnCalvinists and Catholics, Copernicans and Ptolemaics, or Stratfordiansrnand Oxfordians. crnC/GSMRSrnLet the Counterrevolution Beginrnby Srdja TrifkovicrnTwo centuries after de Maistre, we still encounter Frenclrnmen, Italians, and Russians; as for “man,” we have yet trncome across him anywhere. Nations still survive, in spite of thernattempts of dictatorial “Western” ruling elites to destroy them,rnand families, and all other communities bonded by kinship,rnlanguage, faith, and myth.rnThose elites are united in their burning desire to deny humanrnnature and destroy Christianity. They champion an ideologyrnof universal human values, of a global culture. They willrnnot rest until America has been redefined as a “proposition” andrnthe rest of the world engineered into a global “imperium” basedrnon “democracy,” “human rights,” and “open markets.”rnThe globalist project attempts to destroy self-government atrnhome and national sovereignty abroad, hi both cases, the rulernof law is replaced by some higher good, a “principle” that canrnnever provide a basis for cither legalit}’ or morality, and which isrnuprooted from time or place. By treating America as an ideologicalrnproposition rather than a real nation, globalists at leastrncannot be accused of partiality when they treat other nations asrnminions to be cowed or savages to be exterminated.rnThis is why the study of foreign affairs matters, now probablyrnmore than ever. America cannot be fully de-Americanized asrnlong as there is a single nation that refuses to eat Big Macs,rnwatch Seinfeld, or deliver its citizens to some U.N.-run kangaroorncourt. And the world cannot be completely globalized asrnlong as there is some meaningful resistance in the United Statesrnitself, based on the notion of America as a real nation, a distinctrnpeople with shared civilizational and religious roots.rnThis nation has definable interests which ought to be thernfoundation of our relations with other nations, through the observancernof the Golden Rule. American foreign policy shouldrnpursue those interests. But we do not need to reinvent thernwheel: Most Americans still prefer enlightened nationalism —rn”Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entanglingrnalliances with none”—to “benevolent global hegemony.”rnTheir healthy antipathy to the ruling elites’ imperialrnpretensions is a sign of hope: The moral absolutism that the proponentsrnof global hegemony substitute for rational argumentrncan be challenged.rnTo those who scream “something must be done” wheneverrnCNN flashes pictures of refugees on our TV screens, we shouldrnrespond that genuine dilemmas about our responsibility towardrnone another cannot justif}’ the zeal of those who love humanit)’rnso much that they hate all real people. This is not escapist iso-rnSrdja Trifkovic is the foreign-affairs editor for Chronicles.rnlationism. Some wars may have to be fought, but only thosernthat bear on our security and interests. Reality is always morerncomplex than we think; the more distant it is from our own experience,rnthe less we can understand it. We should be aware ofrnour limitations, of our inability to know what is best. This isrnboth Christian and an authentically American point of view.rnhi short, the objective of American foreign policy should bernto maintain the security and freedom of the United States,rnwhile not threatening the security and freedom of other countries.rnEnlightened nationalism does not seek dragons to slay inrnfar-flung corners of the world, but it demands the readiness “ofrnthe coiled rattlesnake that threatens none so long as it is notrnthreatened and its domain is not intruded upon.” It rejects bothrnneo-Wilsonian one-world globalism and neoconservative hegenionistrninterventionism—the twin brothers that run America’srncurrent foreign-policy establishment—as contrary to the authenticrntraditions of the American republic, to its true interests,rnand to the will of the American people.rnA clearly stated case for a “nationalist” foreign policy may enablerneven those Americans who do not subscribe to paleoconservatismrnto ponder the implications of global interventionismrn—for their own sake, and for the sake of peace in the world.rnWithout any such alternative, Americans may continue to sinkrninto undissenting submission as their country nudges ever closerrnto an eventual war with China or a possible nuclear conflictrnover Central Asia.rnA frontal assault on American imperialism may trigger arnlong-overdue counterrevolution at home. The new “imperium”rndemands docile and pliant subjects rather than responsiblerncitizens capable of making moral distinctions. By risingrnagainst America’s neoimperialism, Americans will save theirrncountr)’, while saving the world from the United States. crn24/CHRONICLESrnrnrn