to the abolition of all New Deal and post-New Dealnstructures of the leviathan state, and to devolving thenswollen federal government, especially its executive and itsnjudiciary, into self-governing local polities.nI believe that the great mass of American conservatives,nthose who wouldn’t know a neocon from a bean bag, arenwith us in these aspirations, as are a good portion of thenAmerican people. The neocon elite is rich in wealth andninfluence, but it is thin on the ground, and hence theirnevident trepidation at what genuine conservatism couldnaccomplish if roused. The important strategic objective mustnbe to find a way to reach the conservative mass over thenheads of their official, self-appointed leaders, structures, andninstitutions.nMurray N. Rothbard is a professor of economicsnat the University of has Vegas, and vicenpresident for academic affairs at thenLudwig von Mises Institute.nHOWARD PHILLIPSnAfter a decade of Reagan and Bush, the Washingtonbasednconservative movement is at a dead end. Grassrootsnsupporters have grown weary of the battle, frustratednby political betrayal and by their apparent impotence tonachieve significant victories on issues they care about. Thosenwho control the government have been only marginallyninconvenienced by antiestablishment protest because, in thencontext of the present two-party system, fed-up Americansnhave no place else to go on election day. All too manynconservatives have accepted the notion that their role in lifenis to lose as slowly as possible.nOur experience of the past several decades is that, duringnRepublican presidencies, significant elements of the conservativenagenda are repudiated and abandoned — on issuesnranging from helping Gorbachev and the “New WorldnOrder” to subsidies for Planned Parenthood, the LegalnServices Gorporation, and the organized homosexual movement.nIn 1990, only six Republican senators voted againstnthe Glean Air bill. Only 16 Republican representativesnvoted against the legislation in the House. Out of 100 U.S.nsenators, only four had the courage to stand up to thenhomosexual lobby and oppose the Hate Grimes bill. Onlyneight senators said no to the Americans With DisabilitiesnAct, and only 20 representatives, despite the fact that thisnlegislation requires, for example, the owner of a restaurant tonhire “otherwise qualified” AIDS-infected homosexuals fornfood-handling positions. And, on an issue where the vastnresources of the conservatives in the pro-family movementnwere mobilized, out of 435 members of the U.S. House ofnRepresentatives only 64 voted to cut off the money for thenNational Endowment for the Arts.nAll too often, self-described conservative organizationsnhave accepted, in operational terms, the notion that there isnno “truth” to the right of Ronald Reagan or George Bush.nQuite understandably, the conservative rank and file havenbeen demoralized by this courtier style of leadership. Afternall, “if the trumpet gives forth an uncertain sound, who willnheed the call to battle?” No leader has the moral right tonlead his forces into combat without a worthy objective and ansound strategy for achieving it.nYet, which conservative elected officials or organizationalnrepresentatives are genuinely committed to turning the tidenaway from the incremental, exponential expansion of thenfederal government that has accelerated during the Reagannand Bush presidencies? Energies and resources that couldnbe applied to reconstructing our former Republic are insteadnbeing expended on petty ambitions and small purposes.nRather than challenging the flawed premises of judicialbureaucraticnstatism, many content themselves with argumentsnover details of a left-wing agenda that ought to bencomprehensively repudiated because of its inherent unacceptability.nIt’s past time to reassert the sound premise thatnthe only legitimate purpose of civil government is tonsafeguard our God-given rights to life, liberty, and property.nGontrol of the presidency is essential if we are tonimplement an activist agenda to cut federal taxes andnspending to appropriate constitutional size. A President, innone term, can terminate unconstitutional outlays and eliminatenmuch unfair excessive taxation by using his constitutionalnveto authority and having his veto of revenue andnappropriations bills, and even continuing resolutions, sustainednby one-third plus one of the members of at least onenbranch of the Gongress of the United States. If revenue billsnare vetoed, and the vetoes are sustained, the taxes theynanticipate can’t be collected. If appropriations bills arenvetoed, and the vetoes are sustained, then those agencies,nregulations, and programs that are based on appropriationsnwill close down.nEven if the Republican Party were overpowered by anconstitutionally conservative candidate, his ability to win thenpresidency in a two-way race for the popular vote would benseverely limited. He could not unite his party withoutnsurrendering his agenda. However, the mathematics of thenelectoral college does make it possible to elect a constitutionalnconservative in a multiparty context. That is why, throughnthe U.S. Taxpayer Alliance, I am working to launch, in timenfor the 1992 elections, a new political party that advancesnprinciples and policy objectives consistent with the Bible andnthe Gonstitution of the United States, whose purpose, bothnby fielding its own candidates and co-endorsing, wherenappropriate, candidates of other parties, is to establish a rightnstandard for civil government and an electoral rallying pointnfor those who, in agreement with our purposes, choose tonjoin us. Gontrary to the prevailing myth, our supporters willnnot be wasting their votes, as they do when they vote for anparty or candidate leading them in the wrong direction.nStrong medicine is consumed only when circumstancesnseem to require it. But even the reluctant patient will takencomfort knowing that the strong medicine is available. InnGod’s providence, if we do our jobs well, our countrymennmay, in time of extreme crisis, accept what we prescribe.nHoward Phillips is head of the Conservative Caucus innVienna, Virginia.nnnMAY 1991/21n
January 1975April 21, 2022By The Archive
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