ing Jewish-American tendencies highlightedrnin MacDonald’s third volume.rnFirst, assaults by American Jewish leadersrnagainst a Judeo-Chrishan core culture dornnot advance any rational Jewish interest.rnIt is hard to see how Jews benefit fromrnawarding preferential treatment to blacksrnand fiispanics, insisting that the TenrnCommandments be removed from publicrnschools, or denigrating the heritage ofrnAmerica’s white majority; they wouldrnseem to have a greater interest in supportingrna Western Christian society in thernUnited States than in helping to subvertrnthe remnants of one. Why should theyrnwish to replace a world that amply rewardsrntheir talents with one that will like-rn1- be less tolerant of them? Or in thernwords of my friend Rabbi Meyer Schiller,rn”Do American Jews honestly believe thatrnmulticultural majorities will give themrnbigger Holocaust monuments?”rnThe second observation concerns thernpresent state of Western Protestant societies,rnl l i e “culture of crihc[ue” has donernbest among those whom James Kurthrn(himself a Presbyterian) calls “progressivelvrndeformed” Protestant peoples.rnStarting with the theologically based indi’rnidualistic and anti-hierarchical bias ofrnclassical Protestantism, this deformationrnof Reformationist thought has expressedrnitself in various late-modernist obsessions,rnmost of them linked to Protestantrnsources but without the sobering notionsrnof Original Sin and divine redemption,rnrhese Protestant variants emphasizernmoral subjectivih’ and self-esteem, whilernreplacing the concept of sin with that ofrnsocial guilt.rnFits of self-rejection are also characteristicrnof deformed Protestants, and in thernUnited States, Canada, Germany, andrnEngland, Protestant clergy have been inrnthe forefront of those demanding atonementrnfor racism, antisemitism, sexism,rnand homophobia. Ray Honeyford andrnClaus Nordhruch have documented therngrowing role of the English and Germanrngovernments in pushing vietimologicalrnagendas, and that of Protestant churchesrnin conspicuously goading them on: Inrnthe United States, even the ReligiousrnRight is not immune to this mentality.rnFor neoconscn’ative philosopher SidneyrnHook, MacDonald observes, “ethnic diversiti.”rnwas a code word for democracy.rnHe sees Hook’s sleight of hand as vet anotherrnexample of the Jewish attempt torndestabilize outgroups, but in fact it representsrnsomething more significant: This isrnthe wa gentile conservatives, almost allrnprofessing Christians, wish to see theirrnnational and religious heritage. Hookrntook his place within the American conservativernmovement as a spokesman forrnAmerican values.rnN o assessment of this multivolmnernwork would be complete withoutrncommenting on MacDonald’s assertionsrnconcerning Jewish cognitive superiority.rnHis assumptions on the subject coincidernwith those of respected scholars, amongrnthem Hans Eysenck, who (shortly beforernhis death in 1995) approved the presuppositionsrnupon which MacDonald’s firstrnvolume rests. Noting Jewish ascendancyrnin the financial and professional worlds,rnAshkenazic Jewish overreprescntationrnamong chess champions and NobelrnPrize recipients, and the continuing standardrndeviation between Ashkenazic Jewishrnand white gentile I.Q. scores, Mac-rnDonald and Eysenck attribute Jewishrnaccomplishments to successful reproductivernstrateg)’. Other explanations, however,rnare available. According to researcherrnJ.R. Flynn, mean I.Q. across ethnicrngroups has risen by approximately 0.2rnpercent each year. This steady rise canrnbe linked to environmental factors, particularlyrntiie frequency of test-taking andrnexposure to test materials among thernyoung. The Flynn effect may also pointrnto environmental reasons for displays ofrnJewish intelligence during the last severalrngenerations. Jewish urbanization, professionalrnaggressiveness, and the repeatedrnexposure of Jewish children to test-takingrnmay all be leading to the prize-gatheringrncoups noted by Eysenck and MacDonald.rnThose who push themselves forward,rnwhether on research teams, in businessrnorganizations, or as applicants forrnprofessional schools, will do better, dernparibus ceteris, than those who (like myrnPennsylvania Dutch neighbors) havernbeen taught not to stand out in a crowd.rnWithin the same civilization, moreover,rnethnic groups and subgroups havernbeen culturally productive for a time,rnand then declined. Lowland Scots,rnNorthern Italians, Swabian Germans,rnand American WASPs have all wanedrnculturally, and in other ways, after makingrnremarkable contributions to learningrnand the arts. The theory put forth byrnArnold Toynbee —that peoples rise torngreatness by responding to particularrnchallenges —may shed light here. Furthermore,rnJewish cooperation and Jewishrncompetitive strategies as explained byrnMacDonald obviouslv account, at leastrnin part, for present Jewish successes.rnFor me, the most engrossing part ofrnMacDonald’s trilogy is a long, learnedrnsection in the third volume entitled,rn”The Frankfurt School and Pathologization.”rnThe Authoritarian Personality,rnpublished in 1950 by the American JewishrnCommittee, bore the marks of thernFrankfurt School. Its editors and contributors,rnparticularly Theodor Adorno andrnMax Horkheimer, were the fathers of thernschool’s Critical Theory, and it is hard tornstudy that turgid exploration of “fascist”rnand “pseudo-democratic” personalitytyjjesrnwithout noticing its social point ofrnreference: Adorno, Horkheimer, UsernFrenkel, and Paul Lazarsfeld were allrnFrankfurt groupies before they contributedrnto this collective enterprise. So werernErich Fromm and Herbert Marcuse,rnwho wrote supporting puff pieces. Thernpivotal themes in The Authoritarian Personahty,rnas emphasized by MacDonald,rnwere nothing new to those who assistedrnin the project: Rather, they representedrnthe same complaints directed againstrnWestern —not only German—society byrnthe youthful radicals grouped aroundrnAdorno at the University of Frankfurt inrnthe early 30’s. From Frankfurt, these “anti-rnNazis” emigrated to the United States;rnlater, they reestablished their ideas inrnpostwar Germany in the context of Alliedrndenazification. Little attention was paidrnto the fact that the proposed antidotes forrnNazism were not exactly disease-specific:rnThey targeted anything that gave cohesionrnto middle-class families and societies.rnMacDonald argues that the “pathologization”rnof normal gentile society in ThernAuthoritarian Personahty foreshadows today’srncoerced political correctness. Thernsocial criticism of the Frankfurt Schoolrnimplies the need for a powerful regimernof socialist administrators to level inequalitiesrnand resoeialize reactionary personalities.rnMacDonald links this call forrnmassive social engineering to characteristicallyrnJewish concerns and anxietiesrnshared by its overwhelmingly Jewish formulators:rnThe gentile Other would remainrn—or so it was assumed—a prowlingrnpresence absent reconstruction of thernsurrounding society. The plea for resocializationrnin 1950 continued to resonaternamong Jewish “social scientists” whornshared Adorno’s fears; both it and thernrhetoric in which it was couched live onrnin the efforts of Jewish organizations tornidentify traditional Christian values withrnincipient “fascism.” crnJUNE 2000/29rnrnrn