And our leaders make orations. This is the peoplenthat hopes to impose on the whole planetary worldnan American peace.nIt is an interesting fact that almost all the best Americannpoets of the time — Pound, Eliot, Frost, Stevens, andnJeffers — despised FDR. In this sentiment they were joined,ngenerally, by many of the best and brightest in the country.nThe America First Committee, described in several finenhistorical articles in this number, was a loose coalition ofnAmericans who did not wish to send young men off to warnon behalf of Joseph Stalin or Winston Churchill, howevernadmirable those two statesmen might have been. Thenresponse of FDR and his lackeys in the press revealed thatnby 1940 America had taken on some of the qualities of anpolice state. Dismissals and boycotts of anti-interventionistnjournalists were arranged by the White House. America’sngreatest hero, Charles A. Lindbergh, was slandered bynadministration officials, and those slanders continue to benrepeated by the Establishment press even today.nA new, patriotic political movement mightnhave emerged, but for World War II and thenCold War that followed. So long as thenconservative opposition defined itself innessentially anticommunist terms, there couldnbe no real counterforce to check thenRepublican-Democrat ruling establishment.nWhether or not America might have stayed out or oughtnto have stayed out of the war is a subject for historians tondebate, but the motives and integrity of most AmericanFirsters cannot be honestly impugned. The committee’snrank and file may have been predominantly “conservative,”nwhich in those days meant pro-business and antisocialist, butnthey were joined by a great many liberals. Some werenattracted to the committee because of their opposition tonwar in general; more were Anglophobes — MidwesternnGermans as well as the second son of Ambassador JoenKennedy, who preserved his shanty Irish forebears’ hostilitynto England. (Only the worst of the Irish ever becomenAnglophiles.) New Dealer General Hugh Johnson signednup, and the dominant intellectual force was probably thenNew Republic columnist John T. Flynn, who was nevernentirely comfortable with such genuine conservatives asnCharles Lindbergh, by far the committee’s most effectivenspeaker, and Dudley Swim, the heart and soul of the NewnYork chapter.nMy point in stressing the diversity of the America FirstnCommittee is simple. Neither party affiliation nor ideologyngave the movement its cohesion. It was opposition to the warnand affection for their country that bound the membersntogether into a movement. A new, patriotic political movementnmight have emerged, but for World War II and thenCold War that followed. So long as the conservativenopposition defined itself in essentially anticommunist terms,n14/CHRONICLESnnnthere could be no real counterforce to check the Republican-Democratnruling establishment.nThe collapse of the Soviet Empire has meant, in terms ofnpractical American politics, the complete triumph of thenCold War liberals who constructed the welfare state as anmeans of pacifying the poor. But nature abhors a vacuum,nand even as the Soviet Empire breaks up into pieces,npatriotic and regionalist parties are making gains in France,nGermany, Italy, and — most recently — in Sweden. InnAmerica, on the other hand, we have yet to get beyond thenlevel of speculation, although Sam Francis and Pat Buchanannhave both outlined the possible shape of such a movement.nThe first hurdle is the little matter of the politiciansnwe have in power. The America First Committee couldnpoint to some very important congressional allies in bothnparties — Senators Wheeler, Nye, and Taft, for example.nWhy can we discover no politicians willing to capitalize onnthe widespread popular resentment against free trade, opennborders, and militant internationalism?nThe explanation is very simple. So long as votersncontinue to cry in their beer and vote for Howard Metzenbaum,nJoe Biden, and Arlen Specter, there is no motivationnfor disturbing a comfortable and lucrative status quo thatnensures safe seats and freedom from censure or scrutiny.nThe Senate is riddled with corruption, and even one man ofnmiddling courage could make life miserable for the other 99.nThere may even be such middling honest men sitting nownamong the tired war-horses of that undistinguished body,nbut until their seismographs can detect the first tremors of anpopular earthquake, they are right to take no risks.nIf there is a saving remnant of independent Americans,nnow if ever is the time for them to express their discontentnwith what the Italians call partitocrazia. We must learn tonthrow away our votes on impossible Third Party challenges.nBut, I am always told, we can’t let Mondale or Dukakis intonthe White House. Nonsense. If the country can survivenJimmy Carter and George Bush, it can survive anything. Ofncourse. President Dukakis would have ruined the Americanneconomy as he ruined Massachusetts, but he would havenalso created an angry opposidon. Without that opposition,nthe American Empire will continue to harden its silos andnfortify its positions until no one, on either the left or right,nwill dare speak out against it.nUntil one or the other party picks up the standard ofnrebellion, they both must be rejected by every Americannwho opposes the current regime. In one respect, bothnparties are right, and that is in their mutual accusations andncondemnations. The GOP is, in fact, turning into the partynof Michael Milken and Ivan Boesky; the Democrats are, innfact, a rainbow coalition of everyone who is not white,nstraight, married, moral, or religious. They ought to be’ninduced to kill each other off. If (speaking now as a straightnwhite male addicted to blood sports) — if I may use anhunting metaphor, what we need is a trick shot: we have tonshoot the elephant in such a way that he falls on the donkeynand crushes it. It might take a generation just to haul awaynthe rotting carcasses, but we would be able, for the first timensince 1932, to breathe clean air. How many of us, I wonder,nare so used to the pollution that we have begun to like it? Wenshall never know, until we have created the first realnopposition since 194L <^n