30 / CHRONICLESnWell, the point is that he has progressed.nIn his lifetime he has progressednthrough many of the happynillusions and bitter disillusions of ournera into a primary concern for eternity.nBut his commitment to eternity,nhis “dynamic orthodoxy” (as John CardinalnO’Connor puts it), encouragesnhim to turn around and see throughnthe little deceits and big lies of thosenwho understand the world withoutnGod. Muggeridge is indeed crankynwith them on occasion. But morencentral to the mission of “St. Mugg” isnpersuasion. For Malcolm Muggeridgenis a tireless and hopeful reminder ofneternity in a time that is coming apart.nPaul Stallsworth is assistant directornof The Rockford Institute Center onnReligion & Society.nGovernment Of,nBy, and Against thenPublicnby Tommy W. RogersnThe Burden of Government bynEdwin Mills, Stanford, CA: HoovernInstitution; $23.95.nAlthough it is widely believed thatnpersons who oppose big governmentnare sympathetic to large businesses andnhave no compassion for the little guy,nno such logical connection exists.nDemocratic governments, as the authornpoints out, respond to the interestsnof large, well-organized, and wellfinancedngroups. Big business learnednto induce governments “to furtherntheir interests at the sacrifice of averagenliving standards . . . before almostnany other interests had organized andnlearned to play the political game.”nSimilarly, many regulatory programsnexist largely for the benefit of wellorganizednand well-financed industries,noccupational groups, and workers.nOne significant intended sideneffect of many occupational and industrialnregulatory programs is to fencenout low-income and minority businessesnand workers.nMills, who is professor of economicsnat Princeton, feels that elimination ofnregulatory programs would improveneconomic opportunities of lowincomenand minority businesses andnworkers. The goal of such reforms.nMills asserts, should be to increase thencompetitiveness and flexibility of theneconomy by exposing entrenched interestsnto competition. He contendsnthat temporarily strong market positions,nas reward for valuable innovations,nare also self-liquidating—thenstronger the market position, the greaternthe incentive for competitors tonsupplant it. Only with the help ofngovernment coercion can marketnpower be preserved more than the fewnyears it takes for competition to bid itnaway.nThe author advocates thorough reformnof government transfer programsnwhich, at the federal level, should benreduced 50 percent in transportation,nagriculture, health, housing, energy,nand education. Large segments of thenDepartments of Agriculture, Commerce,nInterior, and Labor are shownnas tax-financed lobbyists whose functionnit is to promote joint interests ofngovernment employees and private interestngroups. Hundreds of state, federal,nand local government spending andnregulatory programs have payoflFs tonidentifiable constituencies that makenthe economy neither more efficientnnor equitable.nMills asserts that, from the point ofnview of welfare economics, it is difficultnto disprove that elementary andnsecondary education should be basednon a voucher system. Most expendi­ntures in agriculture are said to bendisguised transfers that reduce socialnefficiency and are devoid of equity.nVirtually all housing and energy programsnshould be abolished and thenDepartments of Energy and Educationneliminated.nSuch developments will not happennfor reasons that David Stockman discoverednand set out in The Triumph ofnPolitics: Why the Reagan RevolutionnFailed. Politicians, Presidents, voters,nincluding the most ardentiy conservativenpoliticos as well as the typicalngo-alongs, do not want it. Mills thinksnthat even a complete understanding ofnthe harm done by excessive govern­nnnment will not make people changentheir political behavior. Therefore, andifferent set of rules by which democraciesntransform citizens’ interests intongovernment actions is needed. Suchnrules should restrain private interestngroups and government organizationsnfrom enlarging government at the expensenof the taxpayer, even if it meansndispleasing wealthy Midwestern landownersnliving oflF public bailouts.nMills recommends a negativenincome tax, which would allegedlynprovide stronger incentive for self-helpnthan do present transfer programs andnprevent handouts to recipients livingnbetter than working taxpayers. Additionally,naccording to Mills, it would bensimple and comprehensible (enoughnreason of itself to mobilize the legalnand accounting professions against it)nand would cost about half the presentnprice of transfer programs.nTommy W. Rogers, in exile from thenacademy, is an insignificant andnminor drone in an insignificant governmentnoffice somewhere in thenSouth.nBeelzebub’s Tales tonHis SonnThe Contemporary Faces of Satannand The War on Christ in Americanby Ratibor-Ray Jurjevich, Denver:nIchthys Books.nA staunch anti-Communist, Prof Jurjevichnadds to his magnus opus. DemonicnMaladies in Western Culture:nFreud, Marx, Skinner, and OthernUgly Pagans, a further two volumes.n”Bureaucrats are also Communistnfriends,” writes Prof Jurjevich, in ann”America, a KGB Sanctuary.” Yet,nthough “American enemies are subsidizednwith taxpayers’ money,” and then”US media are a Bolshevik Eifth Column,”nJurjevich believes in “repairingnthe damage” by doing his best to helpnthe “Americans duped by KGB disinformation.”nJustly paranoid (a refugeenfrom Communist Yugoslavia), he cannotnalways control his passion, sometimesnforgetting that preaching to thenconverted may be less productive thanntrying to reach the skeptics. (MS)n