mass communications the danger ofnabuse is great. As Locke observed, “Allnmen are liable to error; and most men arenin many points, by passion or interest,nunder temptation to it.” It is not unlikelynin a large campaign that unethical practicesncould be perpetrated without thenfall knowledge of the high command.nHalf-truths, selective interpretation—neven fadging—of polls, sordid innuendos:nall are unfortunately inherent innpolitics. To be sure, irresponsibility is anmatter of degree, and consultants arenunlikely to undertake any activity sonheinous as to damage their candidate,ntheir reputation or their livelihood, butnin the heat of a campaign, where there isnno garland awarded for second place, litdentime is spent in contemplation of thenethical niceties of a prospective course ofnaction. For these reasons and others,nSabato feels it is in the public interest tonexert some sort of restraint on the activitiesnof political consultants, although hisnsuggestions for exercising control arenvague. The federal election laws passednin the early 1970’s—which were intendednto stem rapidly escalating campaignncosts, strengthen the role of the partiesnand promote competition in the electoralnprocess—have had some distressing effects.nFor example, limitations on individualnand party contributions havenIn the Mailnshifted money sources into ideological ornsingle-issue PAC’s, farther underminingnthe importance of parties, enhancing thenadvantages of incumbency and inflatingncampaign bills through compliancencosts. Sabato concludes that federal legislationnis unlikely to meet the challengeneffectively, in part because the lawmakersnwho would draft the statutes mightnowe their positions to those whom theynwould regulate. He urges the repeal ofnseveral provisions of the Federal ElectionsnCampaign Act and its myriad amendmentsnand suggests instead a ban on contactsnbetween office-holders and formernconsultants. He also presents a rather intriguingnidea of mandating a minimumnlength for commercials, say ten minutes,nin an attempt to concentrate more onnsubstantive information rather than onnthe pretty pictures and catchy slogans soncommon to the thirty- or sixty-secondnspot. He admits that this practice, whichnis employed in Britain, may not be applicablento American TV programming.nPotentially effective is self-regulationnby consultants themselves through adherencento, and strict enforcement of, ancode of ethics adopted by the AmericannAssociation of Political Consultants. Thisncode proscribes such activities as “scurrilousnattacks on a candidate” or intentionalndissemination of misleading infor-nMatter, life, and Evolution by John G. Elliott; Gibson-Hiller Co.; Dayton, OH. This examinationnof life starts with the basic particles of physics and works to a universal approach tonconsciousness.nThe Gambling Mania On and Off the Stage in Pre-Revolutionary France edited by TamaranAlvarez-Detiell and Michael G. Paulson; University Press of America; Lanham, MD. Thisnsocio-psycho-literary examination presents the gambler and his world in the context of thenperiod of Louis XIV and Louis XV via the hterature of the day.nThe American Presidency: Principles and Problems, Volume I, edited by Kenneth W.nThompson; University Press of America; Lanham, MD. The Presidency—from selecting anleader to what the future may hold for the office—is examined, as are various aspects (morals,nnational security, etc.) related to it.nThe Western Heritage and American Values: Law, Theology, andHistorybyMbenoK. Coll;nUniversity Press of America; Lanham, MD. The intellectual heritage of American values isndiscussed so as to provide a basis for the examination of the current political and intellectualnscene. Key figures are Vitoria, Pascal, and Buttetfield.nS6inChronicles of Ctiltiirennnmation. The amusing thought of somencommittee determining what constimtesn”scurrilous” or “intentional” aside,nSabato proposes that transgressors benpublicly pilloried in the media, usingnevery resource the organization cannmuster. He also challenges the press tonact more responsibly by scrutinizing pollsnand the activities of consultants muchnmore closely. He even goes so far as tonsuggest that every major newspaper hirena polling expert. But in his zeal, Sabatonfails to notice a key characteristic of thenmass-communications culture. The explosionnof information technologies conferrednenormous power upon the gatekeepersnof the fourth estate. In the finalnanalysis, they have the greatest influencenon voter perceptions. Sadly, despite theirnclaims of objectivity, the media elites arendominated by those with a liberal bias.nSurely this bias is, to a large degree,nresponsible for the conservative community’snexpert use of direct-mail techniquesnbased on computer technology.nUnable to get a fair hearing in the press,nit became necessary to develop othernmethods.nijreat strides have been made in thendevelopment of political advertising,ndirect-mail campaigns and polling techniques.nIt is not inconceivable that thesenservices may become so professional thatnthe need for outside consultants willndecline, effecting a resurgent party role.nBut what of the abuses in these new campaignntechniques—the advertisementsnlong on form but short on substance, thenfadged polls and the direct-mail piecesnlaced with tawdry appeals to emotion insteadnof hard facts? Perhaps that veryndanger will serve as a self-correctingnmechanism. When the elaborately produced,nexpensive advertising campaignsnyield no new voters, when the direct-mailnappeal for fands fails to pay for itself, andnwhen the polls reveal the disenchantmentnof voters, it will be clear that thosenmethods are no longer appropriate; thenculture will dictate new uses of thenavailable tools, and perhaps new toolsnaltogether. Dn