In the meantime, their pUght has becomerna human rights cause celebre. Inrnthe eourse of an interview in Villejeuf,rnLiberation reported on August 7, Derguyrncharged that the Spanish police had mistreatedrnhim, striking him repeatedly inrnthe face and groin. Derguy’s complaintrnechoes statements made by 83 otherrnBasques in 1995, who said that the policernhad treated them in a fashion worthyrnof Castro’s Cuba. In response to therncharges, Basques in Brussels held a largerndemonstration on June 1, holding picturesrnof the jailed nationalists. ThernComite des droits de I’homme au Paysrnbasque issued a letter of protest urgingrnthe police to be more lenient.rnBut the official reaction to the upsurgernin the pays basque was swift and severe.rnLiberation announced on July 25rnthat Jaime Mayor Oreja, Spain’s ministerrnof the interior, had immediately calledrnfor augmented police power, outlining arnplan for a joint crackdown on both sidesrnof the border. Oreja also presented tornthe public a plan drawn up by chief ofrngovernment Jose Maria Aznar, who hadrnapparently borrowed a page from PresidentrnClinton’s antiterrorism bill. UnderrnAznar’s plan, the police will step up theirrnsurveillance of civilians, placing hiddenrncameras in towns with a large Basquernpopulation. This Orwellian scheme metrnwith the approval of Juan Maria Atutxa,rnminister of the interior for the semiautonomousrnBasque government, whornpointed to the state of emergency createdrnby the ETA. Other officials concurred,rnalthough a judge in Madrid didrnwarn that surreptitiously recording whatrninnocent people do on public streetsrnoversteps the acceptable limits of staternpower.rnThe Spanish officials believe that repressionrnwill work, but they do not seemrnto take note of rising anger and frustrationrnin the pays basque. As James E. Jacobrnexplains in his recent book Hills ofrnConflict: Basque Nationalism in France,rnmuch of the nationalist upsurge stemsrnfrom anger over the French government’srnduplicity in its dealings withrnBasque representatives. Most Basquesrnrejoiced at Frangois Mitterrand’s electionrnin 1981, for he had promised themrnmany things, including “the creation of arnBasque department in France and clearrncommitments to cultural preservation.”rnThe French government’s backpedalingrnon these promises made many Basquesrnhostile to the very idea of negotiatingrnwith the authorities. In America and inrnEurope, the official attitude is much thernsame: eliminate the nationalist threat byrnLET US KNOWrnBEFORErnYOU GO!rnTo assure uninterrupted deliveryrnof CHRONICLES please notify usrnJ^rnirnfi my Wirnktf^^irn.Sp’jilAVnSrnHri *^”=^^-afcr–i–…rng j ^krn£^^’fernA ^rnMrnin advance. Send change of address on this form with the mailingrnlabel from your latest issue of CHRONICLES to:rnSUBSCRIPTION DEPARTMENT, CHRONICLES, P.O. Box 800,rnMOUNT MORRIS, ILLINOIS 61054rnNEW ADDRESSrnall available means—stepping outsidernlegal bounds, if need be—while ignoringrnthe grievances that stoke the fires ofrnnationalism. But repression, Jacob observes,rn”only hardens the resistance inrnthe abertzale camp.”rnAs Spain’s political leaders respond tornnationalist concerns with threats and denunciations,rnEurope’s policy elite ignoresrnand denies the existence of a Basquernproblem. In the summer issue of thernHarvard International Review, JacquesrnSanter, president of the EuropeanrnCommission, hails European integrationrnas a panacea for ancient rivalries andrngrievances. “European social and economicrnintegration,” he writes, “has culminatedrnin the establishment of an arearncharacterized by transnational peace andrnprosperity.” Santer goes on to call for arnvast expansion of the EU’s domain.rnSanter likes to pose as a man of thernpeople. “If the ordinary people of Europerndo not derive noticeable benefitsrnfrom the union system,” he writes, in arnplea for an expanded EU budget, “thatrnsystem is worthless.” He doesn’t knowrnhow right he is. As the architects of Europeanrnunion grapple with logisticalrnquestions—when to adopt a single currency,rnhow to structure a transnationalrnmilitary—they ignore the larger problemrnthat many of the ordinary people of Europernremain unwilling to trade in theirrncustoms and their identity for a place inrnthe New European Order.rn—Michael WashburnrnT H E FUKUYAMA-decade continuesrnon—history has ended, all is well in therncosmos, and the New World Order isrnfunctioning well. We had, some 30 yearsrnago, an advance confirmation of ourrnsmooth sailing in Senator Fulbright’srnbook on The Arrogance of Power. ThernUnited States, he wrote, is not an empirernand rejects all imperialistic temptation;rnyet, just in case it yields to the temptation,rnthe planet may be assured: it will berna benevolent dictatorship.rnIn the era of Orwellian newspeak, wernare not surprised that war is peace, love isrnhate, and that imperialism by good guysrntranslates as solicitude and humanitarianrnconcern. Sartre, for example, wrote thatrnexecuting traitors to the CommunistrnParty is an act of “mortal solicitude,” arnvirtue.rnBut long before Fulbright and FrancisrnFukuyama, Immanuel Kant promisedrnmankind (the last two centuries’ favoritern6/CHRONICLESrnrnrn