the state.rnMy friendship with Murray Rothbardrnwas one of the fruits of communism’srncollapse. I do not recall just when itrnhappened, but some time before the demolitionrnof the Berlin Wall or the secessionrnof the Ukraine, it became clear tornmany of us that we had been had, thatrnas conservatives we were constantly beingrnasked to play the sucker’s game ofrnsupporting liberal wars after the liberalsrnwere smart enough to get out. Our writingsrnon these subjects attracted Rothbard’srnattention, and he wrote me thernletter which began the correspondencernwhich led to a series of meetings that resultedrnin the formation of the JohnrnRandolph Club.rnI was about to write “ultimatelvrnresulted,” when I realized that there isrnnothing ultimate, either in life or inrndeath. Murray’s legacy—his books, thernmemories his friends cherish, his fightingrnspirit—will last as long as there arcrnAmericans willing to speak truth to power.rnI dreamed I saw Rothbard last night,rnalive as you or me . . .rn— I’homas FlemingrnT H E NOVEMBER ELECTIONrnre’ealed a populist upsurge of repugnancernagainst Washington. In therncurrent two-party system, this upsurgerncould only take the form of support forrnthe Republicans.rnIf the Republicans are interested inrnreal reform, thev will act as statesmenrnand not politicians. A statesman is onernwho understands and pursues the longrangernbest interests of his people—notrnone whose range of vision is limited byrnthe next ‘I’V interview, poll results, or arnbrown bag of unmarked bills. If the Republicansrnwere statesmen, the followingrnis what they would do.rnCut taxes. As Edmund Burke said,rnthe revenue is the state. It is all well andrngood to talk about welfare reform andrncutting the paltr’ millions of the NEA.rnBut nothing will be done about reformingrnthe bloated federal government untilrnits funds are squeezed off. Theyrnshould also follow the lead of the bestrnRepublican leader. Representative DickrnArmey, who is pushing for a middleclassrntax cut.rnReturn to federalism. It may well bernthat the protest in many states againstrnunfunded federal mandates is the mostrnconstructive development on the scenerntoday, and let us hope it portends a realrnconstitutional revolution. But the statesrnshould not only be resisting unfundedrnfederal mandates—they should bernresisting all federal mandates. That isrnwhat self-government is all about. Truernfederalism is not when the federal governmentrnallows the states to do things.rnTrue federalism—as spelled out in thernConstitution—is when the states forbidrnthe federal government from doingrnthings.rnCurb illegal immigration and rethinkrnlegal immigration. It is the responsibilityrnof Congress to look after the wellbeingrnof the American people and ourrnposterity—not to provide jobs for thernworld’s surplus population of Mexicans,rnChinese, and Hindus. What is the pointrnof preserving an cconom- and governmentrnif thev are not ours? Republicansrnoften act as if they thought the purposernof government was to keep the shoppingrnmalls full of warm bodies.rnEliminate the power of the federalrncourts to thwart majority will. As thingsrnnow stand, any moral or mental cretinrnappointed to the federal bench 30 yearsrnago by Lyndon Johnson can, by thernstroke of a pen, overturn the democraticrnwill and invalidate the results of anyrnelection. I’ntil the national leadershiprnundertakes serious, fundamental constitutionalrnreform of the enormit of judicialrnusurpation, it is useless to talk ofrnanv other reforms. In fact, willingness torncurtail the courts should be our measurernof the seriousness of the Re]3ublicanrnagenda during the next two vears, sincernthe black-robed deities will undoubtedlyrnimpose their will to thwart any genuinernreform.rn—Clyde WilsonrnN E W YORK has finally elected a governorrnwho supports the death penalty.rnIn all likelihood, it was George Pataki’srnsupport for capital punishment, notrnhis undistinguished political career,rnthat secured his victory over the liberalrnincumbent, Mario Cuomo, who hadrnvetoed a death penalty bill in e’ery onernof his 12 years in office. During Cuomo’srntenure, the city endured a long seriesrnof appalling crimes, from the rapernand beating of a jogger in Central Park,rnthe murderous assault by a black mobrnon a Jewish man in Crown Heights, tornJamaican immigrant Colin Ferguson’srnmassacre of 27 white commuters on arntrain bound for Long Island. It is easy tornunderstand public demands for therndeath penalty, but less easy to predictrnwhether the punishment will be codifiedrnin law.rnNew York has not always been softrnon criminals. The state used to have arndeath penalty, and it executed thugsrnlong after other states, following the examplernset by Delaware in 1958, did awayrnwith executions. But in 1965, under therninfluence of a state commission that includedrnProfessor Herbert Wechsler, arnstaunch opponent of capital punishment,rnthe state ended the practice exceptrnin cases involving the murder of arnpolice officer. Professor Wechsler contendedrnthat “death exerted no greaterrndeterrent effect on murderers than lifernimprisonment.”rnYet the virtual elimination of capitalrnpunishment coincided with a sharp risernin rates of violent crime. In the aftermathrnof Bernhard Coetz’s shooting ofrnfour black thugs, the local media conductedrna poll which found that no fewerrnthan 50 percent of New Yorkers werernin faor of capital punishment.rnDespite police efforts to fight streetrncrime by cleaning up high-crime areasrnlike Times Square, and an increased policernpresence under the “Safe Streets,rnSafe City” program, the crime rate continuedrnto rise, and the ictims piled up:rnUtah tourist Brian Witkins; a visitingrnSoviet doctor; Hasidic scholar YankelrnRosenbaum; the victims of Colin Ferguson’srnrampage against whitey. In thernten vears since the Goetz episode, thernpercentage of New Yorkers favoring therndeath penalty rose to roughly 75 percent,rndue to the skyrocketing crime raternand to a widespread feeling that, asrnGoetz had put it, law enforcement inrnNew York was a “farce.”rnAfter two Dominican immigrantsrnshot and killed police officer Sean McDonaldrnlast summer, when he caughtrnthem holding up a jewelry store in thernBronx, the Daily News conducted a pollrnto gauge public sentiment. Reportingrnthe results, the News cited a “rising chorusrnof outraged New Yorkers demandingrnthat the death penalty be restored.”rnYet Cuomo was unswervingly opposedrnto the death penalty, and MayorrnDavid Dinkins dismissed concern aboutrncrime with boasts that New York’s murderrnrate is lower than that of otherrnAmerican cities. (Those other citiesrnare Washington, Detroit, and East St.rnLouis, so Dinkins’s point isn’t clear.)rnLate in his career, Cuomo finally camernto realize that his successive vetoes ofrn6/CHRONICLESrnrnrn