in that land allow for no viable alternative.nGiven the sizable 12 percentnSerbian minority in Croatia, for example,nAlexander questions where onenwould draw the boundaries of an independentnCroatia or Serbia. The EuropeannEconomic Community, henwarns, would not tolerate six new,ncantankerous, little nations in southeastnEurope. Alexander also points, perhapsnnaively, to Belgium and the UnitednKingdom as successful examples ofnmultiethnic European states.nThis pan-Yugoslavism softens Alexander’sncommitment to Serbian nationalismnwithout, however, betraying hisnSerbian, or Orthodox, heritage. Hendisplays the Serbian red-blue-whitencolors proudly when, for exarnple, henpledges to his Serbian-American audience:n”One thing I assure you: Kosovonwill always be our territory.”nBut the prince tempers this ethnicnpride with a prudent sense of justice.n”I’m very proud to be a Karadjordjevic,”nhe says deferentially, “but Indon’t want our nationalism to be usednto kill people. … It would give me nonpleasure to bash an Albanian.” Further,nreferring to the unseemly communistnface that the Serbian SocialistnRepublic still projects, Alexander confesses,n”I don’t feel proud to be fromnSerbia, when we keep producing propagandanrags like Politika.”nWhat to do, then? Like the grandfathernafter whom he was named, KingnAlexander I (1921-1934), Prince Alexandernis committed to the cause ofnYugoslav unity and peaceful cooperation.nUnlike his grandfather, who imposedna dictatorship in 1929 to achieventhis end, the prince tirelessly promotesndemocracy in his family’s native landnthrough a return to constitutionalnmonarchy. “I want to see all thesen[political] parties talking to each othernfor the good of Serbia.” But more thannSerbia. Alexander would have the Yugoslavsneschew the cynical politiciansnwho use nationalism to advance sinister,ndivisive political agendas. That includesnboth Milosevic the Serb and thenCroatian national leader, FranjonTudjman.nIn 1934, King Alexander I of Yugoslavianwas, for all his troubles, assassinatednin Marseilles by a Macedoniannserving the Croatian fascist movement,nthe Ustashi. In 1991, Prince Alexandernis not yet king. It’s a foregone conclu­n6/CHRONICLESnsion that the Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians,nAlbanians — in short, all thennon-Serbs in Yugoslavia — would notnhave him in the first place. He wouldnbe more realistic, in fact, to resignnhimself to waiting in the wings for thenfinal curtain on Yugoslavia, the betternto rescue Orthodox Serbia from thengrasp of communists-turned-socialistsnlike Milosevic. King of Serbia and itsnsister republic Montenegro, after all,nsounds more appealing than crownnprince of nothing.nIf the youthful Prince Alexander isneager to return to his patrimony, thennew patriarch of the eight-millionmembernSerbian Orthodox Church isnalready trying “in country,” as it were,nto soothe the savage beasts of ethnoracismnand religious bigotry. To bensure, this new patriarch is not exacfiyn”new,” as in “young.” On Decembern2, 1990, the Serbian OrthodoxnChurch chose Pavle, bishop of Rash-nPrizren, as its first-among-equals. Then76-year-old was an unexpected choice.nA veteran of years of persecution atnthe hands of thuggish Albanians innKosovo, Patriarch Pavle had to endurenattacks on monasteries, the rape ofnnuns, and the desecration of Serbianncemeteries. And yet his first publicnstatement as patriarch echoed thensaintly Elder Zosima in FyodornDostoyevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov:n”Love and unity . . . are notnpossible without fundamental repentancenand sincere spiritual rebirth, bothnpersonally and corporately. For trulynwe are all to blame for everything.”nIn the half-year since his ascendancy.nPatriarch Pavle has certainly practicednwhat he preaches. In May, thendebilitating, fratricidal schism amongnSerbian Orthodox in North Americanformally ended with the reconciliationnof the disputing hierarchs; in Belgrade.nIt took the election of Pavle —nrespected as a holy man by Serbsnthroughout the wodd — to resolve thenconflict after 28 years of bitter legalnbattles and divided families. Also innMay, Patriarch Pavle joined his counterpartnin the Roman Catholic Croatianncommunity. Cardinal FranjonKuharic, in a common appeal fornpeace in the mounting crisis betweennSerbs and Croats. “We appeal to allnresponsible people in polidcal parties,”nthe joint statement reads, “especiallynthose in power, to resolve conflictsnnnjustly.”nWith no axe to grind against thenAlbanian irredentists in his former diocesenor the perennial Croahan rivals.nPatriarch Pavle — ascetic, apolitical,nand accepting of everyone — may benprecisely the kind of national religiousnleader that the embattled Serbs nownneed. Orthodox Christians in Yugoslavianand America may even beginnwondering about the dual prospects ofnthe patriarch and the prince servingnalongside one another in a revivednSerbian kingdom. This would representna return to the ancient Byzantinenmodel oi symphonia — a close, workingnrelation, or “harmony,” betweennan Orthodox monarch and the OrthodoxnChurch in a unified society.nMore realistically. Patriarch Pavlenand Prince Alexander can at least providenvoices of reason and moderationnin a society that has begun to revert tonbarbarism. They are certainly worthnhearing.n—Fr. Alexander F.C. WebsternIMMIGRATION PROBLEMSnconfinue to plague Europe. In Francenthe Front National is finally fed up withnthe Gaullist right, which expects thensupport of the and-immigrant nationalistsnbut treats them with contempt.nJacques Chirac is alarmed enough tonbegin borrowing the Front National’snrhetoric. When the Prime Minister,nditzy socialist Edith Cresson, called forna crackdown on illegal immigration,ntwo out of three Frenchmen surveyednagreed with her. In July she announcednnew measures aimed at curbingnillegal immigration. Legal immigrantsnfound guilty of hiring illegalsncan be expelled, and foreigners fromncountries that send large numbers ofnillegals to France will not be eligible forntourist visas. While these measures arennot likely to stem the tide, it is apparentnthat immigration and the French identitynare coming to the fore in Frenchnpolitics. It was only a year ago whennNorth African youths went on a rampagenin Vaux-en Velin (near Lyons)nand tried to burn down the nice newnneighborhood that the government hadnbuilt for them.nIn Italy, the rioters have tended tonbe Italian teenagers, and there havenbeen outbreaks or ragazzismo all overnthe North, most recently in Milan.n