1970’s, this cross-subsidy contributed tornthe emergence of Japanese auto companiesrnwhich could successhilly competernwith Detroit. Twenty years ago, the sophisticatedrnLibertarians used this Hne ofrnreasoning to advocate massive cuts inrnU.S. defense spending. The cleverestrnLibertarians have always focused on “warrnas the health of the state,” and have appliedrntheir critique to the impact thatrnU.S. foreign policy has had on the domesticrneconomy. One example: The inflationrngenerated by the Vietnam Warrndistorted prices and capital investment inrnthe American manufacturing sector uprnthrough the early 1980’s, when deflationrnoccurred.rnMr. Winterrowd is correct to note “thernbleak future” faced by “unskilled workers”rnin cities like Detroit. But his argumentrnthat “the Big Three automakersrnchurned out increasingly inferior productsrnduring the 1970’s and early 80’s” isrnless convincing. Take one product: therninternal combustion engine. Vice PresidentrnAl Gore may attack it, but the internalrncombustion engine is truly one of therngreat entrepreneurial achievements ofrnthe 20th century. The slant-six, built byrnChr)’sler in metro Detroit during the periodrnreferred to by Mr. Winterrowd, isrnperhaps the greatest engine ever massproducedrnby the American auto industry.rnEven the most virulent free trader who ignoresrnthe underlying cause of Detroif srndemise would be hard-pressed to cite onernJapanese engine matching the slant-six.rnOn the Other LindberghrnI was pleased to see the article in thernNovember Chronicles by Justin Raimondornon Charles A. Lindbergh, Sr. Lindberghrnstands with William JenningsrnBryan and Louis McFadden, who alsornmade control of the money supply by privaterninterests an issue in public debate.rnBryan, Lindbergh, and McFadden are allrnswept under the rug by conventionalrneconomists, who prefer their pretty theoriesrnto the reality of money as an instrumentrnof power for which men conspire,rnoften by foul means, the same as menrnconspire, often by foul means, to electrnpresidents or to control armies.rnBenjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton,rnJohn Calhoun, Alexander Del Mar,rnPope Pius XI, and Murray Rothbard allrnknew about the conspiratorial realit}’ ofrnmoney. But our contemporary academics,rnwith their heads in the clouds,rnstill preach that money is a “technical”rnand “complicated” subject, much too arcanernfor a public discussion about its rolernin the orchestration of war, famine, genocide,rndestruction of cultures and nations,rnpolitical correctness, and the New WorldrnOrder to make a few rich and powerful.rnRaimondo’s article mentions two ofrnLindbergh’s books. Why Your Country Isrnat War and The Economic Pinch, butrnomits reference to his greatest work,rnBanking and Currency and the MoneyrnTrust, published as a polemic against thernFederal Reserve Act of 1913. In this latterrnwork, Lindbergh struggled withoutrnmuch success to state a coherent theoryrnof paper money, but then explained thernorigins of the American Civil War: It was,rnhe said, cunningly induced by domesticrnand international financiers to run up arnhuge national debt, represented by bondsrnwhich were monetized by legislation tornfinance the war; the design of this legislationrngave them control over banking andrncurrency in the United States, underrntheir central reserve banks on WallrnStreet. The banking cartel on WallrnStreet was legalized in the Federal ReservernAct over Lindbergh’s heroic opposition.rnLindbergh’s insights are neatiy verifiedrnby statues on banking and currencyrnfrom 1863 to 1913, and touch the mainrnrealit}’ of American politics since Lee’srnsurrender at Appomattox.rn— John Remington GrahamrnSt-Agapit, QuebecrnCULTURAL REVOLUTIONSrnCULTURAL GENOCIDE is a legalrnterm sometimes used to describe thernplanned destruction of an ethnic or religiousrnidentity. The English, in solidifyingrncontrol over their islands, did theirrnbest to obliterate the historical memoryrnof Scottish Highlanders and IrishrnCatholics, and the national socialists ofrnBill Clinton’s party are doing the samernthing here in the United States, not onlyrnto Southerners, whose symbols, songs,rnand heroes are banned in public places,rnbut also to the whole European culturalrnidentity whose literature and traditionsrnare being eliminated under the guise ofrnmulticulturalism.rnMost classic writers, like Shakespearernand Milton, are not banned but simplyrnignored. However, certain books—Huc^feberryrnFinn, for example —are under directrnattack. Recently, PBS aired a program,rnproduced by WGBH (Boston), tornjustify’ the elimination of Mark Twain’srnmasterpiece from America’s memoryrnsimply because liberals do not like to bernreminded that many African-Americansrnwere (and are) fond of calling each otherrn”nigger.” Twain was in many ways a detestablerncharacter —a perennial villagernatheist, provincial boor, and (as a Confederaterndeserter) traitor to his people—rnbut his Jim is the first—and best—sympatheticrnportrayal of an American Negro.rnHuckleberry Finn may turn out to be thernAmerican classic, if only because of itsrnthemes: the tragedy of racial misunderstanding,rnthe lure of the frontier, thernsearch for innocence, the poison of a Puritanrnmoralify- that convinces Huck he isrngoing to hell if he refuses to betray hisrnfriend. A healthy America could survivernthe loss of this one novel, but this is not arnhealthy country: We lose Huck and Jim,rnand we lose ourselves.rnEuropean-Americans should not thinkrnthey are being singled out. During thernwar over Kosovo, we argued repeatedlyrnthat Christian Serbs violated the creed ofrnthe Clinton administration, a creedrnshared by the world-contiollers at the ImperialrnAcronyms-WTO, NATO, U.N.rn”History is bunk,” they are saying, and sornare historic nations and religions. WlieneverrnI made this argument in a speech,rnmany opponents of the NATO bombingrnaccused me of paranoia: People on sornlow an evolutionary level as the Jamiesrnand their bosses are not scrupulousrnenough to have an agenda, I was told,rnand all they want are the usual simian necessitiesrnof sex, money to buy sex, andrnpower to force sex. The destruction ofrn500-year-old monasteries in Kosovo isrnsimply an accident to be regretted only byrnpeople foolish enough to care about religionrnand art.rnThe U.N. world-controllers in Bosnia,rnhowever, recently made my point for mernwhen they ordered Serbian schools in thernRepublika Srpska to eliminate offensiverntexts from their schoolbooks. The proscribedrnlists included old folk poems de-rnFEBRUARY 2000/5rnrnrn