be military, since this is the one form of spending to whichnconservatives are not likely to object, and which workers willnalso welcome for its creation of jobs. As Flynn wrote: “Thusnmilitarism is the one great glamorous public-works projectnupon which a variety of elements in the community can benbrought into agreement.” Flynn added:nThe great and glamorous industry is here — thenindustry of militarism. And when the war is endednthe country is going to be asked if it seriouslynwishes to demobilize an industry that can employ sonmany men, create so much national income whennthe nation is faced with the probability of vastnunemployment in industry. All the well-knownnarguments will be dusted off—America with hernhigh purposes of worid regeneration must have thenpower to back up her magnificent ideals; Americancannot afford to grow soft. . . . America dare notnlive in a world of gangsters and aggressors withoutnkeeping her full power mustered . . . and above andnbelow and all around these sentiments will be thensinister allurement of the perpetuation of the greatnindustry which can never know a depressionnbecause it will have but one customer—Americanngovernment to whose pocket there is no bottom.nWrongly accused of being a “fascist” for opposingnAmerican entry into the war, Flynn was happy to turn thenindictment around. “The test of fascism,” he pointed out,n”is not one’s rage against the Italian and German war lords.nThe test is — how many of the essenhal principles of fascismndo you accept?” Warning that the coming Americannfascism will be “virtuous and polite,” Flynn prophesied that:n/^NAMNESIQnERIC VOEGELINnTranslated and editednby Gerhart Niemeyern”The idea of reissuing Gerhart Niemeyer’snedition of Voegelin’s Anamnesis as anpaperbacli is a winner all the way,… ThenGerman version is not available; andnNiemeyer’s translation is out of print andnmuch in demand, since it contains some ofnthe most important things Eric Voegelin evernwrote.”—Ellis Sandoz, Director of the EricnVoegelin Institute for American RenaissancenStudies.n20/CHRONICLESn240 pages, $9.95 papernUNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI PRESSn2910 LeMone Blvd. • Columbia, Missouri 65201n1-800-828-1894nnnFascism will come at the hands of perfectlynauthentic Americans . . . who wish to commit thisncountry to the rule of the bureaucratic state;ninterfering in the affairs of the states and cities;ntaking part in the management of industry andnfinance and agriculture; assuming the role of greatnnational banker and investor, borrowing billionsnevery year and spending them on all sorts ofnprojects through which such a government cannparalyze opposition and command public support;nmarshaling great armies and navies at crushing costsnto support the industry of war and preparation fornwar which will become our greatest industry; andnadding to this the most romantic adventures innglobal planning, regeneration, and domination all tonbe done under the authority of a powerfullyncentralized government in which the executive willnhold in effect all the powers with Gongress reducednto the role of a debating society. There is yournfascist . . . masquerading under the guise of thenchampion of democracy.nIn the concluding sentence of his book, John T. Flynnneloquently proclaimed that his “only purpose is to sound anwarning against the dark road upon which we have set ournfeet as we go marching to the salvation of the world andnalong which every step we now take leads us farther andnfarther from the things we want and the things that wencherish.”nThe sudden disappearance of the Gold War has broughtnAmerica to what Walter Lippmann used to call an”plastic juncture” in history — a period in which we areneffectively free to choose and to change our foreign policy.nThe growing conflict among conservatives over foreignnpolicy is an important manifestation of this new state ofnaffairs. Never, in half a century, have the eloquent lost wordsnof the Old Right been so pertinent to our current concerns.nThe choice is not, as the interventionists like to put it,nbetween a glorious idealism as against a narrow and crabbednselfishness. The choice is between a return to the Americannideal of liberty under a strictly limited government, annAmerica that functions as a beacon-light of freedom for thenworid, as against an American superpower pushing itsnweight around everywhere, vainly attempting to imposenAmerican values and institutions by massive coercion, and tonuse that coercion to end every age-old quarrel throughoutnthe world. And underneath that hopeless and quixoticncrusade, the grim reality of a gigantic welfare-warfare statenfinanced by systematic aggression against American libertynand property.nThe choice for America is clear. Americans will choosencorrectly if only noninterventionists can retake the moralnhigh ground that the global interventionists have long agonmanaged to seize. The world has, at long last, come to seenthrough the trumpeted moral superiority of a system —ncommunism — that pursued a phony and impossible dreamnby means of coercion and terror, for the tangible benefit of anruling nomenklatura. Gan repudiation of an impossiblenquest for world democracy and perpetual peace on behalf ofna kinder and gentler lileptoklatura be far behind? <^n