ment language alongside Kazakh and that the governmentrnhold a referendum to allow people to decide whether to joinrnthe Russian federation. In a similar referendum in 1991 thernvote was “yes” and the government’s response was “no.”rnThe country is conveniently divided for a civil war. Inrnsouthern oblasts, Kazakhs are a 60-90 percent majority. Theyrnare buttressed on their southern border by an even deeperrnreservoir of anti-Russian feeling—Uzbekistan. Uzbeks oftenrnrefer to Russian as an “infidel language” and to Russia asrn”Kafirstan” or “Infidel Land.” Uzbekistan has begun eradicatingrnthe Russian language from public life, even for RussianeducatedrnUzbeks. Uzbekistan’s leadership feels it is the truernrepresentative of central Asia’s Turkic-speaking people sincernit is more Turkic than Kazakhstan, where Russians are numerous,rnand since Turkey has Westernized.rnThe Russians in northern Kazakhstan dominate that area asrnthoroughly as Kazakhs dominate the south, and on theirrnnorthern border lies the industrial belt of Russia’s Siberia.rnThe Russians have already begun to show their discontent.rnLast August, 2,000 angry pensioners gathered in Lenin Squarernin the town of Rudny, 125 miles south of the Russian border.rnThey demanded pension payments that were three monthsrnoverdue. When no one appeared to answer their demands, arnsquadron of them invaded city hall and forced the mayorrninto the square, where old ladies beat him with umbrellas andrnwalking sticks.rnThe more control Kazakh politicians take from Russians,rnthe more responsibility they will have to bear for adding tornthe crushing economic burden. Russians who cannot leave, orrnwho call Kazakhstan home after three or four generations.rnor who simply like living there, think increasingly about supportrnfrom the north. As they see less and less opportunity andrneconomic protection from the government, the more Russianrnthey feel. The Yeltsin regime has taken several moves tornencourage both this feeling and the sense that, in a crisis, theyrnwould be protected by Russia.rnLast September, the Russian news agency reported thatrnYeltsin’s treaty negotiators in Ukraine insisted on dualrncitizenship for ethnic Russians. Dual citizenship had been suggestedrnearlier this year for Kazakhstani Russians in whatrnappeared to be a trial balloon. It would be the legal basis forrnRussian intervention in a crisis in its “near abroad.” As thernRussian negotiator in the Ukraine said, dual citizenship “is arnbasic position of Russia’s policy not only toward Ukraine butrnalso toward the other CIS states.”rnRussia has, in fact, recently declared its right to intervene inrnthe affairs of its former republics. Its special envoy to Georgia,rnfor example, Feliks Kovalev, announced that Russia “hasrnno intention of considering ratification” of Georgia’s territorialrnboundaries “until the resolution of the Georgian-Abkhazrnand Georgian-Ossetian conflicts.” Russia’s treatment ofrnGhechnya has also made Kazakhs feel considerably morernthreatened.rnGlearly, the more Kazakhstan’s government defines the socialrnand political boundaries between Kazakhs and Russians,rnthe less secure its geographic boundaries become. Kazakhstanrnseems destined to prove that the boundaries of the formerrnSoviet republics are far from firmly defined and that the finalrnsurvey may require expensive and bloody flagging.rnIn Memoriamrnby Andrew Lansdownrn1rnWe knew something was wrongrnbecause of the bloodrnbut we had not expected this.rnI can’t find a heart beat,rnthe doctor says. Vm sorry.rnDear child you diedrnin the secret safe placernalone. What did you suffer?rnMow could we have known?rnOh son, daughter, I’m sorry.rn3rnI collected the imagesrnfrom the ultrasound, the record,rnchild, of your short lifernand long death. I burnt themrnto spare your mother. I’m sorry.rnAPRIL 1995/21rnrnrn