totalitarian tool that can be used to minimizenhis power and influence must benput into operation. Feminism is a totalitariannmovement easily disguised as anlofty liberationist proposition. It thusngets sheepish, imbecilic support fromnthe liberal cultural powers that be. WhynPresident Reagan is unable to pinpointnand expose once and forever this brutalntwisting of basic notions is beyond ourncomprehension. Confrontation withnfeminism—^as both an idea and a politicalntrend—is inevitable, and not even myriadnconcessions to the complex, if confiised,nconcepts of “women’s rights” will engendernany reorientation of the radicalismnof feminist organizations and agendas.nWhy not have that fece-oflf now, when anconsiderable stock of antifeminist emotions,nenergies, and dispositions stillnexists among American women (andnthere is plenty of evidence for it)? It looksnto us like a matter of classic bollixing onnthe part of the White House “tacticians”n{read: appeasers). DnThe Dream that is DixienOne of the finest traditions that thisncountry has can be found in that spiritualnportion known as the South. Certainlynthere are geographical boundaries thatncan be, and are, pointed to as dividingnlines; one can also define the South onnthe basis of the states that constitutednthe Confederacy. Still, it seems to us thatnthe South represents fer more than a landnwhere cotton grew or a political entity.nIt is something more profound, as it involvesna way of life, a state of mind, annapproach to the ends of existence. ThenSouth, the physical, tangible one, isnchanging. Like the rest of this country—nand the world—it is becoming homogenized.nHouston, Atlanta, Birmingham allnseem feirly femiliar to one at home innChicago, Detroit, Philadelphia. But thenspirit of the place, in isolated instances,nlives on. One manifestation of that spiritnis The Southerner, a quarterly review ofnhistory, literature, and politics that hailsnfrom McClellanville, South Carolina.nChronicles of CulturenClearly, The Southerner’s initial eflfortsnwill be to close its ranks, to stake a claimnon the area of endeavor in which it wiUntoil. We hope, however, that the Southerner’sneditors work toward broadeningntheir field. The spirit of the South isnsomething that is needed beyond thatnrealm’s tacit borders, perhaps now morenAMad E)og, an EnglishmannOne Alexander Cockburn fromnEngland, the Village Voice’s politicalnspokesman and conscience, is on recordnas:n—supporting Soviet oppression andnslaughter anywhere in the world;n—supporting communist massacrenby any means, perpetrated by anynleftist henchmen disguised as guerrillas,ncampesinos, urban terrorists, etc.;n—supporting the deadly and cruelnextermination, by means of anynweaponry whatsoever, of any oppositionnanywhere to communist subjugation,nwhether it is executed bynSoviet troops, Soviet ^ents, or bloodthirstynmaniacs calling themselvesn”revolutionaries”;n—supporting mayhem against thosenwho resist communist slavery by anynSoviet or local secret-police in anynpart of the globe where the Soviets orntheir mercenaries are in power;n—cozily waiting in New York Citynfor the communist takeover of thenworld.nIn the meantime, living well in and offnAmerica and coddled by the Wall StreetnJournal, Mr. Cockburn specializes in insultingnvarious deceased who h^penednto be his betters. Not long ago, using antypewriter that could have been oilednwith the blood of A^han fi^eedom fighters,nIsraeli children slain by the PLO, andnPolish workers butchered by communistnassassins, Mr. Cockburn exulted aboutnnnJOURNALISMnthan in the day of the Agrarians. Today,nthe technology that Sou’ m thinkersnhave always defined ther Jves againstnand in relation to is rapidly encroachingnupon man, who may forget that he essentiallynsprings from the soil. A Southernninfluence upon the modem Americannculture will be a gain for all. Dnthe death of Arthur Koesder. Here is hisnexpression of elation upon HermannKahn’s passing:nThe world is not the f)oorer for thenpassing of this founding Neocon whonliked nothing better than to tell peoplento stop worrying and learn to love thenbomb.nOne is immediately struck by the Hitleresquenmorphology of Mr. Cockbum’snmind and his bid to decide what makesnthe world poorer or richer in terms ofnhuman lives. In other words, he arrogatesnto himself the right to determine whonshould live and who should not. This isnexactly what brings him so close tongenocidal maniacs like Dzerzhinsky,nStalin, Beria, Arafat, Idi Amin, Pol Pot,netc. If he were braver, he might havenjoined the Red Brigades, the WeathernUnderground, the Symbionese LiberationnArmy, helping to decide whethernAldo Moro, the Pope, or Earl Mountbattennwere entitled to live. But he prefers anneasier way: the oflfepring of the Britishnleisure class now serves the cause ofnpolitical mass homicide as a boudoirnrevolutionary, a pet of the mentally debilitatednportion of the New York corporatenupper class, which, in turn, featuresnhim in its journals as proof of its “enlightened,”n”fair” liberalism. Quite inncontrast to all the Cockburns of thisnworld, we believe that until Manhattannis fumigated and rid of such potential executionersnand their deranged backersnin high-finance America, the universenwill not be any richer—^at least in ournlifetime. Dn