uine bad-asses. Even the folks who getnmost het up about date rape don’t seemnready to do much about it. A couple ofnyears ago, for instance, Donna Shalala,nthe politically correct chancellor of thenUniversity of Wisconsin, was asked bynTime magazine what her school was doingnabout the problem. After some conventionalnblather about preventing it byneducation, communication, and counseling.nPresident Shalala said this: “If itnoccurs, you’ve got to be as tough as possible.nIn some cases throw someone outnof school, force him into some kind ofneducation program.” Right. At my ownnschool, in 1989, rape was made a violationnof the Student Code. Big deal.nPresident Shalala’s idea of how to getntough with rapists illustrates the sort ofnvvooly-mindedness and sentimentalitynthat we encounter all the time on modernncollege campuses. Why, after all,nshould a university have a policy aboutnrape? We don’t have one about homicide.nIf we’re really dealing with rape,nnot just second thoughts the next morning,nwe’re talking about crime. “Thrownsomeone out of school”? Naw, let himnstay in school—if he can figure out hownto do it while pulling, say, ten to twentynyears of hard time. And there’s an “educationnprogram” for you. From what Inhear about our prisons, chances are thenswine will acquire a better understandingnof rape from the victim’s point ofnview than he ever imagined was possible.nIncidentally, just a couple of monthsnafter the Tar Heel reported that a quarternof our female students will be assaulted,na letter-writer to the weekly Spectatornupped the ante. “In a college town suchnas Chapel Hill,” he wrote, “one-third ofnthe women will face a rape or sexual assaultnsituation during their residency.”nIf that rate of increase keeps up, we’llnhit 100 percent in a little over a year andna half.n]ohn Shelton Reed teaches at thenUniversity of North CaroUna, in ChapelnHill, and has two daughters.nLetter From Austria,nPart IInby Donald WarrennA New European IdentitynIn Europe today there is a youthfulnyearning for a new genesis and a desirento overcome the legacy of World WarnII. While a facile model of one generationnrejecting the last is a tempting onento offer as explanation, in fact, thenemerging “New Right” seeks both a connectionnand a rejection to provide bothnan identity with and autonomy from thenpast. Its goal: independence from Americann”occupation,” a striving to shape anspecial place for Europe on a planet thatnno longer places her at the center of economics,nculture, and politics.nDiverse and multistranded, the NewnRight movement draws its strength fromnthe energy and idealism of Europeannyouth. It seeks a return to a peoplehoodnnot tied to a nationalized and bureaucratizednmass society, and celebrates annethnically based multinational Europe.nIn central Europe this means the inevitableneconomic dominance of Germany.nFor the French and British factions,nthe latter point is omitted.nWho are the cultural enemies of thenNew Right? French Revolutionary idealsnand their modern expression in stateinitiatednliberalism, including both thenNew World exports of North Americanand the more clearly socialist versionsnof Western and Eastern Europe. Withnthe fall of the Marxist-created states, thenbattle is to win over the hearts andnminds of Europeans from the Americanstylenconsumer colonialism lying to thenwest and perhaps soon to be enthronednin the east.nImposing no new false uniformity ofnself, this movement celebrates its intellectualnopenness and pluralistic Europeannfullness. Its adherents possess annelan born of affluent societies that arenregarded as corrupt and “soft,” offeringnnothing to its youth but flaccid popularnculture, a consumption madness symbolizednby the peripatetic golden archesnof the “local” McDonald’s. They seek anmobilization of the will to throw offnNew World domination. While recognizingnthat it has a “marketing problem”nbased on the heritage derived from thennn”old right,” its anti-establishment activistsnbelieve that they have surpassednthese vestigial remains of a failed andnrepudiated (by them and the world atnlarge) National Socialism that they seenas having distorted and perverted thenvalues they share. The consensus today:n”We shall do it right this time.”nRejecting a world devoid of strugglenagainst evil, the youthful intellectuals ofnthe New Right prime themselves for anlong struggle and visualize playing a vitalnrole in political restructuring. The ultimatenenemy is American mass culture.nThe lone foe stands at the gates, providingnthe imperative for a legion of youthfulnintellectuals determined to defendntheir fortress, Europe.nWhile recently residing in Austria, Inhad the opportunity to observe firsthandnthe emerging trends among young intellectualsnwho are creating new bases ofnpolitical thought and organization. Onenof these young editorialists is JurgennHatzenbichler, a 23-year-old universitynstudent and native of the southern citynof Klagenfurt, capital of the province ofnCarinthia. Hatzenbichler is a mainstayncontributor to a variety of youth-orientednintellectual publications, includingnthe Aula and Identitat magazines andn]unge Freiheit, the monthly newspapernof the Ring Freiheitlicher Jugend, the studentnaffiliate of the “Freedom Party” lednby Jorg Haider.nA day spent interviewing this intenselynfocused student intellectual cum politicalnpolemicist provided insight intonthe mind-set of young Europeans whonare casting off elements of a failed radicalnleft and radical right and reachingninstead toward an ethic of individualismnderived from 19th-century liberalismnthat shares ideas with the best of Americannpopulist thought. Highlights of theninterview follow.nQ: You feel you are part of a newnmovement in Europe. Were you searchingnfor something original, and if so,nhave you found it?nA: Yes, at first it was emotional, butnnow it is on an intellectual level. For anshort time, I went to the left after rejectingnthe “old right” of National Socialism.nI am oriented to a revolutionarynnew direction of nationalism that hasnbeen influenced by the writers andnthinkers of the New Right. I would saynthere is a need to have a revolution, butnnot to build a new totalitarianism thatnseeks to rule the world with hollow values.nTo be part of a mighty intellectualnOCTOBER 1992/43n