the strangely well-preserved corpses ofrnmedieval Dubliners. There are plenty ofrnsigns of Queen Anne and the Georges,rnwhen Dublin was the second city of thernEmpire. Swift was Dean of St. Patrick’srnCathedral, and is buried there nearrnStella. His annotated copy of Clarendon’srnHistory of the Scotch Rebellionrn(“Thoroughly un-Scotifyed” is one of hisrnapproving comments) is still to be seenrnin the library founded by an enlightenedrnArchbishop in 1701. Dublin is full ofrnmagnificent Georgian terraces, andrnthere are wonderful individual buildings,rnlike Sir William Chambers’ Casino atrnMarino, a small but faultless delight inrnthe grounds of a school surrounded byrnhousing estates. There are many memorialsrnto national heroes, the largest ofrnwhich is Glasnevin Cemetery, wherernDaniel O’Connell, C.S. Parnell, and othersrnare interred. The cemetery is full ofrnCeltic crosses and even a fake round tower,rnthe dead heroes deliberately linked tornpowerful icons of “ould Ireland,” andrnthus themselves forming a part of thernnativist’s landscape. Both concepts, ofrncountry and countryside, are consciouslyrnunited in the paintings of the 1930’srnartist Sean Keating, with clear-eyed AranrnIslands fishermen and strong-sinewedrncrofters staring into the Celtic sunrise.rnEverywhere one goes in the countryside,rnone sees the roofless medievalrnchurches, round towers, and carvedrnCeltic crosses that are so characteristicrnof Ireland. The dramatically situatedrnmonastic city of Glendalough, the Romanesquerndoorway at remote Clonfert,rnthe worn pilgrim’s causeway at Clonmacnoise,rnthe surreal Apostles on thernHigh Cross at Moone, the lavabo at Mellifont,rnthe delicate carvings in the arcadesrnat Jerpoint, the Butler tomb inrnKilkenny Cathedral, Cormac’s Chapel atrnCashel with its centaur ornamentationrn—wherever one goes there are constantrnreminders of the days when Irishrnscholars kept alight a small flame ofrnlearning in a Europe sunk in post-Romanrndarkness. So important was thernIrish contribution to the cause of Europernthat a recent book is entitled How thernIrish Saved Civilization. The title is onlyrnmildly hyperbolic. There are still plentyrnof signs of the pre-Christians, whose secretrnsites and symbols were often suddenlyrntransmuted into Christian shrinesrnand emblems, like the eerie, obviouslyrnpagan Janus figure that has stood sincerntime immemorial in a dank churchyardrnon an island in Lough Erne, the similaritiesrnin symbolism serving to unite thernpre- and post-Christian Irish experiencesrnin an incremental, organic whole.rnWith all of this evidence of formerrnglories, with the survival of rural virtues,rnand with Northern Ireland exerting itsrndisquieting influence, it is not surprisingrnthat the Irish still think of themselves asrna nation (although they are overly fondrnof their lucrative servitude to the EuropeanrnUnion). But nationalism is largelyrna left-wing cause in Ireland. It is all toorneasy for nationalists to see commonaltiesrnbetween themselves and Third Worldrnliberation movements, and to view thernIrish situation “in context,” as part of arnglobal struggle against colonialism, imperialism,rn”the Establishment,” patriarchy,rn”homophobia,” racism, and sornforth. In fact, Ireland is generally shortrnof right-of-center institutions. Except forrnone business-oriented Sunday newspaper,rnthere are no right-of-center newspapersrnsave for the Irish Catholic, with arncirculation of around 28,000. There isrnno sizable right-of-center political party,rnexcept for the Progressive Democrats,rnwith about five percent of the vote andrnseveral TDs (the Republic has a proportionalrnrepresentation system), whosernconservatism is mostly about the freernmarket. The reason that there is no conservativernparty, according to DavidrnQuinn, editor of the Irish Catholic, isrnthat the Church has historically filledrnthis role. However, Gerard Casey, lecturerrnin psychology at University College,rnDublin, believes that there is scope for arngenuinely conservative party, and hisrnChristian Solidarity Party is preparing itselfrnfor the next local elections.rnDublin is a little like London in thern1960’s, with young, well-educated peoplerneverywhere, and a general feeling ofrnliberation and prosperity. The adverserneffects of the decline of Ireland’s puritanicalrnform of Catholicism have not yetrnbegun to show themselves, and the nationalrnfeeling will long delay and forrnlonger ameliorate social decay. It is certainlyrnthe case that most Irish people arerninnately conservative, not to mentionrnindividualistic and essentially metaphysical.rnGenerally ill-equipped forrnthe amoral, antiseptic, nonjudgmental,rnhighly regulated society that manyrnwould like to see come to pass, the Irishrndo not naturally incline to the liberalrnmodel of society. But nor did the British,rnand unless new publications and institutionsrnarise to codify and direct this soundrninstinct and reinforce the nationalistrnsentiment which is Ireland’s singlernbiggest social asset, it is possible that inrn30 years or so Dubliners might findrnthemselves living in a miniature versionrnof London.rnDerek Turner is the editor of Right Now!,rnpublished in London.rnLetter FromrnPittsburghrnby Sarah J. McCarthyrnPizza PoliticsrnPittsburgh’s Human Relations Commissionrndid the right thing in January in thernpizza “redlining” case against Pizza Hutrnbrought by Gad and Shelia Truss. ThernTrusses, a middle-class black couple whornreside in a mixed-race area of well-keptrnhomes in the upper Hill District area ofrnPittsburgh, also known as Sugar Top,rnphoned Pizza Hut to order a sausage pizzarnon the night of May 2,1992, but werernrefused delivery due to the rioting inrnLos Angeles following the Rodney Kingrnverdict.rnShelia Truss told the Pizza Hut clerkrnthat all was peaceful and quiet in herrnneighborhood. “What does what’s goingrnon in California have to do with me?”rnshe asked, upset that she couldn’t havernher usual weekly delivery. Mrs. Truss,rnwho testified that she was stewing, spastic,rnventing, hyper, and obsessed after thernrefusal, walked across the street in herrnpajamas to visit her attorney friend, AnnrnSimms, complaining that she could notrnget a pizza. Ms. Simms then filed a complaintrnwith the Human Relations Commissionrn(HRC), resulting in a four-yearrninvestigation into whether Pizza Hut wasrnguilty of unlawful public accommodationrnpractices.rn”We wanted to err on the side of caution,”rntestified Mike Logan, Pizza Hutrnmanager, at the HRC hearing. Whenrnthe store first opened in April 1991, hernsaid. Pizza Hut delivered to the Hill District,rnbut due to several robberies of theirrndrivers, deliveries were curbed. Loganrnsaid the sight of white truck driverrnMAY 1997/35rnrnrn