441 CHRONICLESnRepublic. Chartered in 1892, the clubnis, among other things, a year oldernthan the earthly remains of Mao Tsetung,na cultural hero to one-time studentsnwho are nowadays running thenshow in the major media.nThe Pen & Pencil sponsors Wednesdaynevening off-the-record sessionsnwith a variety of newsmakers (in bothnsenses of that word). The eveningnbefore the election promised to bensomewhat crowded because the guestnwas Frank Rizzo — one half of thenpolitical show which moved a localnpundit to refer to this election as “thenevil of two lessers.”n* * *nDemocratic Mayor W. WilsonnGoode, Philadelphia’s first blacknmayor, had often been criticized duringnhis first term for gross managerialnincompetence, though he’s a Whartonngraduate. The May 1985 MOVEnincident — the famous police air strikenagainst a row house (11 people killed,nan entire neighborhood burned down)n— was at the top of a long list ofnfiascoes which hinted that the citynwould be better managed by diviners,nor the astrologers of the National Enquirer.nOn the other hand, Frank L. Rizzo,na living legend of Philadelphia politics,nis the embodiment of white workingclassnfrustration. A semi-articulate responsento the semi-articulate fascism ofnthe modern liberal, Rizzo was reputednto have caused a great deal of “racialnpolarization” as a Democratic mayornin the 70’s. But the actual polarizationnwas between the liberal establishmentnand the former police commissionernwho roused conservative instinctsnamong normally apolitical citizens.nIn his first comeback attempt, Rizzonran against Goode in the ’83 Democraticnprimary and was soundly beaten.nIn last year’s rematch, running as anRepublican, he came quite close tonbeating the increasingly unpopular incumbent.nThe most amusing aspect of thisnrace was the squirming of the town’snlargely liberal media. Reading betweennthe lines of the editorials following thenprimaries in May 1987, you couldndetect dissatisfaction not so much withnthe candidates as with the electoratenstupid enough to offer up Goode andnRizzo for mayor.nThe inconveniences of democracynhad left the town’s progressive forcesnwithout a reliable standard bearer. InnAugust 1987, the Philadelphia DailynNews ran an editorial against endorsingneither candidate. Goode, tainted bynthe MOVE debacle, was seen as toonincompetent to accomplish the “progressive”nagenda, while Rizzo was dismissednas a political Neanderthal.nOne local liberal commentator evennoffered a scenario in which Goodenwould be indicted by a federal grandnjury (a local grand jury indictmentncould be brushed off as “political”) onna MOVE-related charge, allowing thencity council to name a replacementnwho would then run against Rizzo. Innthe end, however, most of the titans ofnthe opinion industry accepted a failednand tainted black liberal rather thannRizzo, the antiprogressive who hadnonce said he would make Attila thenHun “look like a faggot.”n* * *nA night at the Pen & Pencil isnwonderful for anyone interested in thensocial psychology of big-city journalists.nKate is here because she suspectsn(hopes) that her least-favorite newspaperncolumnist in the history of columningnmay show up. Kate is a nativenof South Philadelphia, where liberalnblack establishment figures like thencolumnist are not highly respected.nSome years ago, she wrote the man anrather nasty missive after her fathernhad been mugged by several blacks.nShe also mailed the columnist thenpair of pants the muggers virtually torenfrom her father to get to his just-cashednpaycheck. The columnist, I suppose,nfigured he was dealing with a nut case,nnot an extremely angry woman (with anSouth Philadelphia sense of humor)nand did not answer. But all Kate wantednto know was how theories liken”Poverty and injustice are the causes ofncrime” could resolve the issue of hernfather’s stolen money.nThe columnist never materializednthat night, and it was just as well.nThere was a feeling in white SouthnPhilly that black Philadelphia wasnthumbing its nose at the rest of thencity, going one better on Ghicago’snHarold Washington, who had said,n”Maybe we did do a bad job these fournyears, but it’s still our turn.”nThe Sunday before Rizzo’s Pen &nPencil appearance Kate and I hadnattended South Philadelphia’s ItaliannnnFestival on Ninth Street, where wenbought cheese, listened to live music,nand watched a juggler.nAt one point, Mayor Goode wasnmaking his way along Ninth Street,nworking the crowd, when he ran into anperforming Mummers brigade headingnthe other way. The Mummers didnnot move. Wilson Goode and his entouragenhad to push through the crowdnand walk around them. To the peoplenthere, Goode was not their mayor, thatnday or since.nIn South Philadelphia, there was anwait-and-see attitude through much ofnthe campaign. If Frank got back in, thenreasoning went, the trash would getnpicked up, favors would get done, andn”heads would get busted” to controlnstreet crime. If not, well, South Philadelphianwould survive, on its ownnterms, as it always has.nThe only time people in SouthnPhilly became excited about city hallnwas when Mayor Goode proposednbuilding a trash-to-steam plant in theirnpart of town.nYet something had changed thisnelection. It was hard not to notice thatnthis election was too gut-wrenching fornSouth Philadelphia — and other whitenethnic enclaves — to simply shrug offnand get on with business as usual. Itnwas fascinating and, in a way, frighteningnto think that even if Rizzo lost,nGoode’s victory was, perhaps, to provena quirk—a sideshow to a powerful andnhighly reactionary political force beginningnto stir, claim consciousness, andnlook around for a leader.nIn Philadelphia, you can walknthrough the nation’s early history innIndependence National Park while, directlynunderground, underpaid (i.e.,novertaxed) subway commuters sit innsullen silence, many of them secretlynhoping for a Bernhard Goetz. Philadelphianduring the Goode administrationnboasts of roving “wolf packs” ofnblack youths who have trashed andnlooted on a grand scale.nThe deep fear in the media duringnthe campaign was that Frank Rizzonwould dare talk openly about racialnanimosity, as if racial animosity wentnaway if everyone remained silent. Atnthe same time, the hatchet men werenyearning for him to talk about suchnthings and commit a “gaffe,” so hencould be politically obliterated oncen