and for all.nThe campaign had thus fearfullynoffered to force attention on The SubjectnWe Can’t Talk About — i.e., hownthe civil rights movement has degeneratedninto a system for rewarding ornpenalizing entire classes of people accordingnto the color of their skin, ornsome other official designation of theirnstatus as either victims or oppressors.nWhile the media dogged Rizzo onnthe race issue, they did not savage himnas much as in the past, when conventionalnliberal wisdom was not challengednby “serious” people but only byn”clowns” like Rizzo. It’s one thing forna Frank Rizzo to say that the emperornhas no clothes, but if “serious” peoplenjoin in, the illusion comes under a realnthreat.nSo while the media hinted thatnRizzo embodied the hopes of whitenracists — “South Philly types” — theynfeared that what they were callingn”racism” might really be a backlashnagainst racial preference systems, andnthat only preference systems can leadnto a Goode administration or a GeraldinenFerraro nomination.nBased on qualifications (and on anlarge loss of electoral support), a casencould be made that Wilson Goodenshould never have become mayor innthe first place, except that blacks as anclass had been allotted their quota ofnbig city mayors, and Philadelphia’snturn had come up “at long last.”nIf that’s the case, the reemergencenof Frank Rizzo and his appeal to whitenfrustrations was a development bestnlaid at the feet of the modern liberalnmentality, responsible for the grossnperversion of civil rights.nOr as a “South Philly” type mightnput it: “Bad enough that we get a blacknmayor just because he’s black, worsenstill that he runs the city into thenground for four years and kills 11npeople to boot. But now, with a loss ofnsupport among even black people, andnserious questions about whether henwon the election fairly, he is still thenmayor.”n* * *nAt the Pen & Pencil Club, Rizzonarrived with a TV news crew trailingnbehind. Though off-the-record forncontent, the event itself was considerednnewsworthy. The turnout was huge bynWednesday night standards.nIn the question-and-answer session.nRizzo said virtually nothing he hasn’tnsaid in public on the campaign trail.nAn old Temple News colleague ofnmine did some of the best questioningnof the night, with repeated attempts tonforce Rizzo to acknowledge that mostnblack voters neither trust nor like him.n”How will you prove you’re not thenracist everyone says you are?” couldnhave been a translation of his queries.nThe TV newscaster found it necessarynto remind Rizzo several times thatnthe session is off the record. Translation:n”Frank, if you say somethingnstupid or utter a racial slur, we can’t tellnanybody anyway, so come on, be yourself”nBut Rizzo wouldn’t take the bait.nLater, my questioner acquaintancentold me that he was accused (by a blacknfemale) of being a racist because henwent too easy on Rizzo. Hurt andnperplexed, for he does not have a racistnbone in his body, he couldn’t get overnit. Two days later, a black femalennewspaper columnist reported on Rizzo’sn”tone” at the session and concludednhe still exhibited an “absence ofnmoderation.” She never mentionednthe immoderate tone of the questioning.n* * ^:nIt’s ironic that the media, whichnhelped create the Rizzo image, failednto comprehend the appeal it hadnamong many voters. When Goodenand Rizzo went at each other in thenDemocratic primary four years ago, itnwas Goode the symbol of racial progressnversus Rizzo the reactionary racist.nRizzo was sent off to be the party’snelder statesman, while Goode went toncity hall to preside over an administrationnof dunces. In the last election,nhowever, Goode was a flawed symbolnof nothing except perhaps anti-nRizzoism or second-chancism, whilenRizzo remained the symbol of racism.nStill, Rizzo came across as a muchnmellower version of his former self,nand the media never detected that henwas a symbol of something other thannracism. Rizzo was a focal point of ragenof those who’ve been hectored forndecades that race shouldn’t count, onlynSCORPIONS IN A BOTTLE:nDANGEROUS IDEAS ABOUT THE UNITED STATESnAND THE SOVIET UNIONnMoral Equivalence. Glasnost. Find out hownthese notions are a deadly threat to thenWest in essays by William Bennett, PeternBerger, Sidney Hool<, jeane Kirkpatrick, Irvning Kristol, Melvin l.asky, Michael Novak,nand Joseph Sobran, produced from thenHillsdale conference profiled in TimenMa.aazine.nKf’JiPmlvni®!^^n• ‘ ‘ dangerous fjiants: two. ( think the imagerynIs. srf>r|iiiins in .i liotik-‘nV. .1.. 11. . I. . 1 .!•. ..li.. ;< r, I- .’n$5.00 PAPERBOUND (Michigan residents add 4% sales tax)nVISA AND MASTERCARD ORDERS 800-253-3200, EXT. 801nHILLSDALE COLLEGE PRESSnHillsdale, Michigan 49242nnnMAY 19881 45n