party and its tradition. American workingmennmight fear losing their jobs tonJapanese competitors, but they’re evennmore afraid of Willie Hortons let loosenby the humanitarianism of the left. Onnthe right, Rep. Jack Kemp managed tonneutralize whatever nationalist sentimentsnhis anticommunist foreign policynmight have roused by promisingnvirtually to ignore the interests andnconcerns of white, middle-class Republicansnin the primaries. “I don’tnwant the Republican Party to be annall-white party, an all white-collar party,na business party or a middle-classnparty,” he told Republican voters innMichigan in 1987, and he promised toncompete with the Democrats “not justnin the Sun Belt but in the ghettoes andnthe barrios.” Suburban Republicansnwho had seen their old neighborhoodsnbecome ghettoes and barrios probablynwere less than excited by Mr. Kemp’snvision of their party’s future.nThe contemporary American right’sncommitment to the universalism ofn”democratic capitalism,” to unrestrictednimmigration, egalitarianism, “globalndemocracy” and a “global economy,”nand the supremacy of private aspirationsnover public good, prevent it fromntaking advantage of the natural conjunctionnof collective aspirations thatnnationalism and socialism represent, asndoes the left’s contempt for nahonalnidentity, cultural traditionalism, andnanything else that stands in the way ofnglobal progress toward the One BignLump. Given the track record of nationalnsocialism in this century, perhapsnthis deadlock is to the good; but evidencenis accumulating that it won’tnlast.nSimply because intellectual and politicalnelites have dismissed the symbiosisnof nationalism and socialism as annaberration, except when they’ve figurednout how to exploit it, is no reasonnto pretend it isn’t there or that it won’tnbe around in the future. AndriesnTreurnicht’s Conservative Party innSouth Africa and relatively successfulnsimilar movements led by Jean MarienLe Pen in France, Cari Hagen innNorway, and Bernhard Andres in WestnGermany suggest that the partnershipnis still going strong. In the UnitednStates, Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalitionnis a thinly veiled effort to synthesizenthe economics of internationalnsocialism with the nonwhite and anti-nWestern racial solidarity of the ThirdnWorld (whether located in Soweto ornin Miami).nMr. Jackson enters the stage fromnthe left, but there are other actors whonspeak their lines from the oppositendirection. This decade’s counterculturalnanalogies to the hippies of then1960’s are the skinheads, who are nonless pathetic than the drug-soakednflower children, though more dangerousnphysically. And, lastly, there is thenHon. David Duke, former Klansman,nwho beat the brother of an ex-governornof Louisiana in a race for the statenlegislature in February, despite thenconcerted opposition of Ronald Reagan,nGeorge Bush, Lee Atwater, andnthe clergy and media of his district. Mr.nDuke and the skinheads may not knownmuch about economics, socialist ornotherwise, but they seem to haventapped into a subterranean stream innthe Western mind that in the 1990’sncould again emerge as a powerful politicalnforce. The 20th century is not overnyet, and those who ignore the continuingnpresence of the rough beasts thatncreated it may wind up staring them innthe face for a while longer.nSamuel Francis is deputy editorialnpage editor of The WashingtonnTimes.nLetter From thenSouthwestnby Odie FaulknDoctoring HonornCommencement has come and gone,nand with it another crop of eager graduates.nYet given far more of the spotlightnat any of these commencements thannbachelors’, masters’, and doctoral candidatesnwere those being awarded honorificndegrees and certificates. The practicenof universities bestowing honoraryndegrees originated as a way to givenpublic recognition to those rare individualsnwho had made outstanding contributionsnto society. Someone who hadnwritten great books would have bestowednon him a Doctorate of Lettersnor a Doctorate of Literature; a distinguishednstatesman would be awarded anDoctorate of Laws; and the theologiannnn”Rich in substance,nand right on target.”nSusan TolchinnBuying into AmericanAMERICANnECONOMICnPRE-EMINENCEnGoals for the 1990snANTHONY HARRIGANnWILUAM R. HAWKINSnUSIC EDUCATIONAl FOUNDATIONnCountries that win the tradengame control their domesticnmarkets, encourage productionninstead of debt-drivennconsumption, and practice anstrategic economic policy tonadvance their national interests.nWhy not the United States?nHarrigan and Hawkinsncorrectly recognize the complexninterrelationship of domesticneconomic and national securitynpolicies which too often in thenpast appear to have beennaddressed in isolation.”nAlfred E. Eckes, Jr.nU.S. Int’l Trade CommissionnA warning from oldfashionednconservatives thatndebt does matter.”nChristopher WoodnThe Economistn148ppnCloth $13.95 – Paper $8.95nAdd $1.50 shippingnOrder fromnUSICnEducationalnFoundationn220 NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING •nWASHINGTON, D.C. 20045 • 202-662-8755nJUNE 1989/43n