control after my morning visualizationnand goal-recording sessions. And allnthat nutty out-of-body travel and channelingnand firewalking — people reallyndo thai, too. Books written by sensible,ngrown-up, traditionally religious Christiansnand Jews about their youthfulnexperiments with New Age practicesntestify that they experienced occultnphenomena, often without the help ofndrugs. I fooled around with yoga longnenough in my late teens and early 20’snto know that out-of-body travel mustnbe fairly easy, if you want it badlynenough.nWhat finally brought me out of mynblessedly short-lived New Age trance isnthis: the vague feeling that I was fallingninto peril. The New Age’s motto is,n”My will be done.” The only thingnNew Agers see as evil is the thwartingnof their own aims, either individually ornas a handsome, menacing group. ButnNew Agers are not often thwarted;nthey breed in a culture they themselvesncreated. Listen to the radio; watch TV.nRead one of the best-sellers offeringn”global” advice to “Spaceship Earth”non everything from investment to thenwhales. Look at “Christian” bookstores,nselling books and tapes on meditationnand “self-fulfillment.” Considernthe church, with its clowns, balloons.nLIBERAL ARTSnL’ART POUR L’ARGENTnrock music, and utter lack of silencenand sanctity regardless of denomination,nattempting, as John Joseph says,nto “reshape orthodox Christianity accordingnto the mind of man.”nThe mind of man is a very smallnplace — thank God He doesn’t liventhere.nJane Greer edits Plains Poetry Journal.nLetter FromnWashingtonnby Samuel FrancisnYuppie ConsnIn the 1950’s, American conservatives,nsubscribing to what Clinton Rossiterncalled the “thankless persuasion,” werena hard-shelled, pig-eyed lot who took nonprisoners and asked no quarter. J^ationalnReview, in a once-famous but nownlargely forgotten editorial in its premiernissue, vowed that its mission was tonstand athwart history and cry stop.nAdmittedly, this was hardly the mostnfetching advertisement with which toninaugurate a political and intellectualnmovement, but it reveals the grimnAndy was desperate for ideas. “What’U I do next?” henkept asking his new art-world friends. Ivan Karp andnHenry Geldzahler had urged Andy to develop imagesnthat were not being used by anyone else, but he couldn’tnthink of any. One evening in eady 1962, in the apartmentnover Shidey’s Pin-Up, Muriel Latow told Andy she hadnan idea but it would cost him money to hear it. Muriel rannan art gallery that was going broke. “How much?” Andynasked her. Muriel said, “Fifty dollars.” Andy went straightnto the desk and wrote out a check.n”All right,” Muriel said. “Now, tell me, Andy, what donyou love more than anything else?”n”I don’t know,” Andy said. “What?”n”Money,” Muriel said. “Why don’t you paint money?”nAndy thought that was a terrific idea.n—from The Scene: Reports on Post-Modern Art bynCalvin Tomkins, 1976nnnmentality of the American right of thatnera.nIn the 1980’s, the new breed ofnconservatives, of whom Rep. NewtnGingrich and Housing and Urban DevelopmentnSecretary Jack Kemp arenrepresentative, is at pains to distancenitself from that mentality. Its exponentsnseize every opportunity to makenknown their differences with a schoolnof thought and politics that scorned thenenlargement of the state and the slogansnof “mandate,” “crusade,” andn”vision” that legitimized it. What isnnow somewhat deprecatingly callednthe Old Right despised the notion thatnthe government should help redesignnthe society it was supposed to protect,nexpressed contempt for the Utopianneffervescence of progressivism, and espousedna deep loyalty to and affectionnfor its country and the historic culturenand people who defined the country.nWhat some are calling “progressivenconservatism” parts company with thenOld Right on all these fronts. Lastnwinter, during a Republican strategynconference at which Mr. Gingrich presided,nthe talk was all about how tonsever whatever links remain betweennthe conservatism of the past and thentranslucent future that the new MinoritynWhip wants to personify. “We’rengoing to have to start talking, for example,nabout civil rights and afiErmativenaction [to appeal to black voters] innways that we haven’t before and thatnmay offend some conservatives,” onen”key conservative theorist” was quotednas saying. “We have to have a caring,nhumanitarian, reform Republican Party,”nsaid Mr. Gingrich himself, “thatnaccepts the burden of being a governingnconservatism, not just an oppositionnconservatism.” “We have to getnover the hump of being the parsimonious,nanti-compassion, anti-humanitariannparty which really doesn’t care ifnpeople starve in the streets as long asnthe budget is balanced,” said Republicannstrategist Jeffrey Eisenach, one ofnMr. Gingrich’s close advisers. “I nevernthought, frankly,” said New Rightnleader Paul Weyrich, “that I would sitnin a Republican meeting and hear thenterms ‘crusade to save the children.'”nMr. Kemp, too, seems enthusiasticnabout the new role that the federalngovernment will enjoy. Early in hisnbrief-lived campaign for the presidencynin 1987, Mr. Kemp promised thatnAUGUST 1989/43n