9,90(1. The Rcid bill is a good frameworkrnfor reform, but other proposed measuresrncould strengthen it and fill in gaps needingrnattention. One is an additional remedrnfor asvlum abuse. Representative BillrnMcCollum’s (R-Florida) House Billrn135?, whieh would allow exclusion ofrnas lum applicants using false documents.rnA further measure to round out tlie Reidrn])lan is Representative James Trafieant’srn(D-Ohio) I louse Bill 1017, which wouldrnauthorize depknmcnt of 10,000 federalrn(roops on our borders as an emcrgencvrnmeasure to stop illegal immigration.rnClaims of some congressmen to therncontrary, cmcrgene’ deployment ofrntroops for border protection is allowablernunder the law. If the present situation isrnnot an emcrgene, then «hat is!’ Thernmilitary- has often assumed a police rolernto contain disorder. Deploving troopsrnw ill show we are serious about protectingrnour soereigntv and laws. (If we’re notrnwilling to guard them, then wh’ eenrnhae a military?) Also, it will take atrnleast a couple of ears to recruit, train,rnand deploy the number of Border Patrolrnofficers envisioned bv the Reid bill. Inrnthe meantime, we cannot allow the situationrnto get further out of control.rnNot all illegals can be stopped at thernborder. For those who get through, backuprnmeasures are necessary. The packagernof illegal immigration control bills offeredrnb Representative Elton Galleglyrn(R-California) offers some good possibilities.rnOne, H.R. 1079, would createrntamper-proof identification (as doesrnRaid’s bill) for purposes of verifying employmentrnelligibility. GallegK ‘s measurernwould also fund research into a computerizedrncall-in system for employers tornverify workers. These steps are necessaryrnto remedy the ease yvith yhieh illegalrnaliens noyv obtain employment. Thern1986 layv banning the hiring of illegalsrnmade no proy ision for secure identificationrnto alloyy employers to distinguishrnbetyyeen legal and illegal residents. As arnconsec[uence, illegal aliens have freelyrnused counterfeit documents to obtainrnAmerican jobs.rnAnother Gallegly bill, H.R. 1080,rnwould end federal benefits for illegalrnaliens. Among those benefits are pregnancyrncare and delivery for illegal alienrnyvonien. Also, yvhen these yvomen havernchildren in the United States, under currentrninterpretation of the 14th Amendment,rnthe children are U.S. citizens. Asrncitizens, tlie children may receive thernfull range of benefits available to anyrnother citizen. And, in most cases, theirrnillegal parents are alloyved to stay herernyvith them. To stop this abuse Galleglyrnhas proposed that citizenship, in suchrncases, be limited to the children of mothersrnyvho are legal residents. (Reid’s billrnoffers the same provision, but Galleglyrndeserves credit for being the first inrnCongress to propose it.) I lis bills to carryrnout this reform are I I.R. 1191 and H.J.rnRes. 129. The former assumes that itrncan be done by federal legislation alone;rnthe latter provides for a constitutionalrnamendment if that is required.rnThe objectives of the legislation outlinedrnabove are the bare minimum ofrnyyhat must be done to secure genuinernimmigration reform. And they will notrncome easily. Frankly, most congressmenrnwould rather cater to pro-immigrationrninterests—corporations feeding on cheaprnimmigrant labor, multiculturalismpushers,rnetc.—than to average Americans.rnSustained public outcry is thernonly force that can turn the tide. Asrnone speaker recently advised immigration-rncontrol actiyists in San Diego,rn”Politicians yvill see the light yvhen theyrnfeel the heat.”rn—John C. VinsonrnOBITER DICTA: i ,ook for chwmcksrnat these bookstores in the San Franciscornarea: Barnes & Noble Superstore, 1091rnEl Gamino Real in Redyvood City; L-SrnDistributors, 140 East Grand Avenue inrnSouth San Francisco; 1 larolds on Geary,rn524 Geary in San Francisco; BassettrnBooks, 865 Market Street at the SanrnFrancisco Center; Good News, 3920Brn24th Street in San Francisco; and JuicyrnNcyvs, 2453 Fillmore in San Francisco.rnPrincipalities & Powersrnby Samuel FrancisrnThe New Meaning ofrnConservatismrnOne of the most amazing and alarmingrnfeatures of the managerial system in thernUnited States is its capacity to alter thernmeaning of things yvithout changingrntheir external appearance. This propertyrnis essentially yvhat the Old Rightrnpolitical analyst Caret Garrett observedrniq’ his insight about “revolution withinrntlje form,” a concept he dreyv from Aristotle,rnyvhom he quoted to the effect thatrnin some kinds of rey olutions, “one thingrntakes tlic place of aiiotlier, so that thernancient layys yvill remain, yvhile thernpoyver yvill be in the hands of those yvhornhave brought about revolution in thernstate.”rnThe technique of “revolution yyithinrnthe form,” of course, is not confined tornthe present managerial system. Thuevdidesrndiscussed hoyv, in the chaos of thernPcloponncsian War and the revolutionsrnit provoked in the ancient Greek citystates,rnyvords came to change theirrnmeanings and to express the exact oppositernof what their forms intended. Itrnoperated in ancient Rome as well, yyhere,rnas historian Ronald Syme noted aboutrnthe Augustan revolution that transformedrna decadent republic into arnmonarchy, “Despotism, enthroned atrnRome, was arrayed in robes torn fromrnthe corpse of the Republic.” Augustus,rnas the ncyv Roman monarch, was carefulrnnot to do ayvav yvith the forms and trinketsrnof republican government yvhich thernRomans loved so much and yvhich hernused to mask his oyvn dictatorship, knowingrnthat most men, as 4achiavclli remarkedrna millennium and a half later,rn”arc often even more influenced by thernthings that seem than bv those that are.”rnIn a broader sense, “revolution withinrnthe form” is merely a definition of whatrnused to be called “subversion,” yvhichrnthe ex-Trotskyist sociologist PhiliprnSclzniek described as “the manipulationrnJUNE 1994/7rnrnrn