Principalities & Powersrnby Samuel FrancisrnGlobal RetchrnNearly four years after George Bush, onrnthe eve of the Persian Gulf War, firstrnpopularized the expression “New WorldrnOrder,” is there anyone in the UnitedrnStates who does not greet that phrasernwith either a grin of sarcasm or a growl ofrnhatred? The answer, in a nutshell, is yes.rnThe expression may have become arncliche and the concept may have stumbledrnand tripped far more than its conceiversrnanticipated, but what it expressesrnremains the driving force in Americanrnforeign policy and in the minds that inhabitrnthose cryptic circles where therncourse and contours of foreign policy arerncrafted.rnThe Gulf War, as a number of its criticsrnpointed out at the time, was merelyrnan experiment, a vanguard action intendedrnto test the waters and see how farrnthe trappings of patriotism and the jollinessrnthat always accompanies successfulrnmilitary slaughter could be exploited tornmobilize the American populace for thernhigher purpose of global salvation. Thernanswer to the question “how far?” turnedrnout to be “very far,” and the nationalrnchest-thump that celebrated the massrnmurder of some 250,000 Iraqis who neverrneven contemplated attacking Americansrnsuggested that the architects of thernglobal cow pasture could easily recruit allrnthe sit-com-saturated cattle they neededrnto serve in future round-ups.rnSince the end of the Gulf War, however,rnthe embryonic global regime thesernarchitects planned to construct has notrnslouched forward to be born. Stage Twornof its birthpangs was supposed to takernplace in the Balkans, but not even the architectsrncould delude themselves thatrnthe Balkan terrain and politico-militaryrnconflict lent themselves to the kind ofrnhigh-tech juggernaut that Mesopotamiarnpermitted. In lieu of a Balkan crusade,rnwe had to make do with the dunderheadedrnmission in Somalia, and that,rnwith all its prospects of tossing lollipopsrnto starving children while shooting downrntheir mothers and fathers in the streetsrn(and not infrequently the children, too),rnalmost worked. What wrecked it wasrnnot any surfeit of compassion or regretrnfor the acts of aggression the UnitedrnStates has committed there but therndawning realization that the mission ofrnfeeding the loathsome place could notrnbe accomplished in the absence of inventingrna government for it, and thisrncould not be done unless we also engagedrnin a protracted war with its naturalrnrulers. By the end of last summer, thernfolly of Mr. Bush’s legacy to his successorrnand the nation in thrusting the countryrninto a minor war in Somalia was evidentrneven to Republicans, and neither PresidentrnClinton nor her husband showedrnany desire to scuttle their unsteady vesselrnof state with further involvement there.rnNevertheless, despite such contretemps,rnthe passion for global meddlingrncontinues. At the end of 1992, an articlernin Foreign Policy entitled “Saving FailedrnStates” (a phrase later used by U.N. AmbassadorrnMadeleine Albright to arguernfor continued and escalated involvementrnin Somalia) postulated the compellingrnneed for the United Nations and itsrnlargest province, the United States, tornmount regular administrative and militaryrnescapades to salvage unsalvageablerncountries. Not only Somalia itself andrnthe several noneountries of the Balkansrnbut also Liberia and Cambodia werernamong the targets the authors identifiedrnfor future missions of mercy, in additionrnto Ethiopia, Georgia (Stalin’s, not ScarlettrnO’Hara’s), and Zaire, with severalrnother new nations of the old SovietrnUnion pitched in for good measure. InrnFebruary 1993, the New York Times listedrnno fewer than 43 different countries intornwhose internal affairs the U.S.-U.N.rncolossus ought to inject itself, and whenrnSecretary of State Warren Christopherrnexplained his philosophy of global dogoodrnduring his confirmation hearingsrnbefore a patient Senate Foreign RelationsrnCommittee, he worried that unlessrnthe United States “did something,” thernworld might soon witness the unprecedentedrnhorror of having “5,000 countriesrnrather than the hundred-plus wernnow have.”rnWhy the prospect of 5,000 independentrncountries should be disturbing (Irncan think of at least 48 provinces ofrnWashington that ought to be independent)rnMr. Christopher did not explain.rnbut the United Nations has been doingrnits best to make sure it doesn’t happen.rnThe number of U.N. troops involved inrn”peacekeeping” missions quadrupled inrna single year between 1991 and the middlernof 1992, from 11,000 to more thanrn44,000—as did the cost of fielding them,rnfrom the pittance of $700 million inrn1991 to a whopping $2.8 billion in 1992,rna quarter of which is disgorged by Americans.rnGlobal reconstruction of states andrncountries that cannot function independentlyrnand probably should be swallowedrnby their neighbors is only one morsel onrnthe globalist plate, however. The projectrnof reconstruction—through militaryrnrepression followed by the arrival of lessrnlethal but no less destructive armies ofrneducators, doctors, engineers, economists,rngoat and poultry experts, dambuilders,rnwell-diggers, womanologists,rnchildologists, vaccine scratehers, and ethnicrnrelations managers—offers a bottomlessrnpit of employment and empowermentrnfor the therapeutic branch of therntransnational elite, as well as rationalesrnfor more booty from the subordinaterngovernments and peoples that pay forrnthem.rnThe creation of what Mr. Christopherrncalled “a world where borders matter lessrnand less, a wodd that demands we joinrnwith other nations to face challenges thatrnrange from overpopulation to AIDS tornthe very destruction of our planet’s lifernsupport system” would also offer a bonanzarnfor multinational corporations andrnthe eat-and-swill-and-serew economyrnthey promote. Also last year. Time magazinernpublished a special fall issue, largelyrnfinanced by the Chrysler Corporation,rnburbling in glee over the arrival of arnmonoeultural, monoracial planet, andrnPico Iyer in an essay called “The GlobalrnVillage Finally Arrives” bubbled over thernerasure of traditional cultures and countriesrnby the planetary swarm of immigrantsrnbound together through thernchewing gum and chicken wire of globalrneonsumptionism. “In ways that werernhardly conceivable even a generationrnago,” he wrote,rnthe new world order is a version ofrnthe New World writ large…. Arn8/CHRONlCLESrnrnrn