computer and mailing privileges, butnthey also include more substantial benefitsnsuch as hosting events and speakersnfunded with university funds.nIn a letter sent to every member ofnthe Georgetown community, Dean ofnStudent Affairs Jack DeGoia defendednthe decision, claiming that it balancednboth a commitment to free speech andnthe “moral tradition of the RomannCatholic Church.” He was one of thenfew, either in or out of the university,nwho was convinced by this logic. Archbishopnof Washington James CardinalnHickey denounced the decision, manynalumni have withdrawn fimds, andnfour canon lawsuits are pending — oneneach by students, faculty, alumni, andnconcerned laypersons — in order tondissolve the university’s relationshipnwith the Catholic Church formally, asnit has already been done informally.nThe dean of student affairs, however,nis only the front man for thenuniversity’s president, Fr. Leo J.nPrincipalities & Powersnby Samuel FrancisnJust because it looks like a Republicnand quacks like a Republic doesn’tnmean it’s really a Republic. In ancientnRome, after Julius and Augustus Caesarngot through with the civil wars, proscriptions,nand purges that spelled deathnto the remains of the old Roman nobility,nthe state still looked and quacked likenthe republic it had been in the days ofnCincinnatus and Cato the Elder. Therenwere still consuls and vestal virgins andnall the other trappings of the old republicannconstitution. There were still lawncourts and elections. There was still thenshell of the old pagan religion of thensons of Romulus.nBut everyone knew it wasn’t so, thatna century of demagogues and dictatorsnhad ruptured the republican duck, thatnthe Caesars had finally polished off thenreality of republican government andnset up their own sweet little autocracy.n”Despotism, enthroned at Rome,”nwrote historian Ronald Syme in ThenRoman Revolution, “was arrayed innrobes torn from the corpse of thenRepublic.”nSo it is today in the United States.n8/CHRONICLESnO’Donovan, S.J., who made the finalndecision. Fr. O’Donovan has defendednhis action in terms of preserving “academicnfreedom” and as a logical outgrowthnof the “dynamic tradition ofnJesuit education.” He argues that thenuniversity is not “recognizing” the proabortionngroup (terminology that wasndiscarded after the debacle with thenhomosexual-rights group a few yearsnago) but is merely providing a forum tondiscuss the “choice” debate, includingn(as Dean DeGoia put it) “the moralnand legal status and rights of the fetus.”nApparently, it is naive to suppose that anuniversity led by a theologian of anChurch that has condemned abortionnfor two millennia would be clear as tonwhat those rights are.nWith this decision, made during thenquincentennial of St. Ignatius ofnLoyola’s birth, as well as the 450thnanniversary of the founding of thenJesuits, the elite of the Society havendemonstrated how little they care fornThe Constitution still exists and remainsna standing topic of Fourth of Julynoratory. We still have elections andneven the vestiges of that aristocraticnbalance wheel, the electoral college.nWe still have republican (but evenntoday, not really democratic) representationnin the Senate.nBut, despite the persistence of thesenrepublican forms, the reality is quitendifferent—a mass democracy in whichnelected officials are more and morenirrelevant and corrupt as their powersnand duties are usurped by bureaucraticnelites that cannot be removed. Despotism,nmasked in republican costume, isnnot yet enthroned, but already it whispersnsweetly in the ears of those who sitnin the consular chairs of the leviathannstate.nWhy did the American Republicndie, and why can’t it be restored? Thengeneration of Americans at the timenthe Constitution was written was immersednin republican thought andnprinciples, and the Framers consistentlyntried to establish a republic thatncould avoid the anarchy, demagoguery,nand tyranny to which most previousnrepublics — in Greece, Rome,nRenaissance Italy, Holland, andnnnthe ideas of its founder and how littlenthey respect the Catholic students andnparents who pay thousands of dollars tonbe educated by these “soldiers ofnChrist.” Georgetown has paid for lecturesnby Molly Yard and presentationsnby two men who wish to have the firstnlegally recognized homosexual marriagenin the District of Columbia.n(Their case, incidentally, is being handlednin part by faculty from thenGeorgetown University law school.)nThe circumlocutions and obfuscationsnof Dean DeGoia and his superiornwould be humorous if the stakes werennot so high. So while the abortionrightsnactivists exult, and as the pressnand the pundits hail this decision as anvictory, not for free speech or academicnfreedom, but for NARAL and itsnallies (who in recent years haventargeted Catholic colleges), DeGoianand Fr. O’Donovan appear to be thenonly ones fooled by their reasoning.n—Jerry RussellonEngland—had succumbed. But, if thenrepublic they did establish is in factnmoribund, either they made a mistakenor else something has happened in thenlast two hundred years that they nevernanticipated.nWriting on the different schools ofnrepublican political thought that permeatednthe United States in its infancy,nhistorian Forrest McDonald notes thatnvirtually all of them shared a commonnset of beliefs. “The vital — that is lifegiving—nprinciple of republics wasnpublic virtue,” a term that rang ratherndifferently from its resonance in modernnears.nNot coincidentally, public, likenvirtue, derives from Lafin rootsnsignifying manhood: “thenpublic” included onlynindependent adult males.nPublic virtue entailed firmness,ncourage, endurance, industry,nfrugal living, strength, andnabove all, unremitting devotionnto the weal of the public’sncorporate self, the communitynof virtuous men. It was at oncenindividualistic and communal:nindividualistic in that non