own pensions from the federal government.rnIn the 1990’s, conservatives crowrnabout our “victory in the Cold War,” butrnvirtually nothing we did during the ColdrnWar deserves the name of victory. Wernarmed our enemies with trade deals andrngrain deals even as we sent Americanrntroops to fight against the war machinernthat American capitalism helped build.rnWe betrayed ally after ally to communismrnor its surrogates —in Eastern Europe,rnChina, Cuba, Africa, and Southeast/^rnsia; we refused to extirpate the spiesrnand traitors who infested the federal go-rnernment and damned the characters ofrnpatriots and heroes like WhittakerrnChambers and Louis Budenz who riskedrntheir careers and even their lives to exposernthe treason, and politicians in bothrnparties used “Creat Power Diplomacy”rnand arms treaties that could not be verifiedrnto advance their own careers.rnThere was a real enemy in the SovietrnUnion and the communism it espoused,rnbut we never did much to win victoryrnover it, and even in the Reagan era, I canrntell you, as one who worked on foreignrnpolicy issues in the U.S. Senate, neither Irnnor any of my colleagues believed thatrn”we” were winning the Cold War or defeatingrncommunism. Having won a victoryrnwe did not deserve, we now devoternourselves to continuing to fight the warrnwe regret is over, hi the past, I have describedrnour recent policies of foreign interventionismrnas a form of imperialism.rnIt is that, but it is also something different,rnnamely globalism.rnUnder imperialism, one nation or politicalrnunit conquers other political units;rnwhile under globalism, there is a transcendencernof the political unit itself Wernsee this today in the deliberate attack uponrnnational sovereignt)’, in NAFTA, thernWTO, and the European Union; and inrnthe efforts at moving the United Nationsrntoward a world government, replicatingrnvirtually ever}’ function of national governmentrn—proposals have been made forrna standing U.N. army, for a new internationalrncurrency, for direct U.N. taxation,rnand for a permanent U.N. criminal courtrnto try “human rights” violations; and variousrnU.N. covenants seek to regulate domesticrnsubnational laws and policies onrnissues such as the treatment of womenrnand children, regulation of the environment,rncivil and political rights, the deathrnpenalty, and, most recently, global gunrncontrol.rnThe driving force behind globalism isrnnot the ruling class of any distinct nationrnbut rather a new riding class that isrntransnational in its scope and interests,rnan elite that has effectively disengaged itselfrnfrom the underlying institutions andrncultures that define nationalit}’, so thatrntoday a corporate executive in New Yorkrnhas more in common with his counterpartrnin Tokyo or Kiev than he does withrnhis co-national in Kansas or Wisconsin.rnPat Buchanan’s new book. The Great Betrayal,rnoffers quotation after quotationrnfrom American corporate leaders whorndisavow the interests of their own countryrnand explicitly identify themselves andrntheir companies as non-American. Wernsee the results of this disengagement inrnthe recent controversy over importingrnforeign skilled workers. There are hundredsrnand perhaps thousands of Americansrnwho are perfectly well qualified tornwork as computer engineers but whorncannot get jobs in the computer industryrnbecause the companies, run by deracinatedrnand avaricious geeks, insist on hiringrnThird World workers at lowerrnsalaries.rnAnd of course we see the results ofrnglobalism in uncontrolled immigration,rnwhich occurs not just because agribusinessrndemands cheap labor: so does thernmeat packing industry in the Midwest; sorndoes the poultry industry in the South;rnand so does almost ever}’ other organizedrninstitution in American life —laborrnunions, eager to refill their depletedrnranks with foreign workers; churches,rndesperate to attract new congregations afterrntheir ministers have driven away theirrnold ones with their bloodless sermonsrnand their theology without thunder; and,rnmost of all, the vast complex of government,rneducation, social work, and therapyrnthat perpetually seeks a new underclassrnon which to work its voodoo.rnOf course, globalism makes use of imperialismrnand of the underlying nationsrnthat it seeks to erode and transcend, justrnas a nest of termites makes use of a house.rnThe corporations that boast of beingrntransnational rather than Americanrncould not exist without the Americanrneconomy, American workers, Americanrnconsumers, and the American culturernand legal system that created them in thernfirst place. The United Nations and similarrntransnational organizations couldrnnot exist without the funds supplied byrnAmerican taxpayers. The Clorious MulticulturalrnAmerica that twinkles in thernmind’s eye of the advocates of open bordersrnand the abolition of national boundariesrncould not exist without the old,rnmonocultural America, based on itsrnBritish and European inheritances andrnpopulations. Globalism, just as much asrnthe “struggle for the world” against communism,rnis an illusion, and it can becomerna reality only when it has destroyedrnthe reality of nation, race, and culture onrnwhich it rests.rnBut if globalism cannot easily becomerna reality, that does not mean that it cannotrntriumph by the very destruction ofrnthe house on which it feeds. The New-rnWorld Order is more than just a newrnconfiguration of the post-Cold Warrnworld. It involves a domestic transformationrnjust as much as it does an internationalrnone, and while its internationalrnagenda may stumble and falter on the intractablernrocks of an American populationrnthat distrusts the United Nations andrnthe promises of perpetual peace wonrnthrough perpetual war, its domesticrnagenda proceeds apace. The transformationrnof American civilization throughrnimmigration, the permeation of ourrnschools and universities by multiculturalism,rnand the ever advancing power ofrnthe federal government over its citizens isrnintegral to building the globalist illusion,rnand it is a transformation that both politicalrnparties, the Stupid Party and the EvilrnParty, and more broadly, both the rightrnand the left, have advanced.rnThe real conflict today is not betweenrnright and left, capitalist and socialist, andrncertainly not between nation and nation,rnbut between nationalist and globalist.rnThere are of course many forms andrnfaces of that conflict, because the globalistrnagenda contains so many differentrnfacets, but it is no less a struggle for thernworld than the earlier struggle againstrncommunism was. In this new struggle,rnwe cannot depend on our ruling elites inrngovernment or the economy or the culturernto fight for us, any more than werncould depend on their fighting communism;rnindeed, we can depend on themrnfighting against us, but we will have tornfight it ourselves. If it’s a new enemyrnwe’re looking for, we don’t have to gornver}’ far, and certainly not to the Balkansrnor Baghdad. The enemy is here, and it isrnno less an enemy—of freedom, of nationality,rnof our whole way of life—thanrnthe communists ever were. Once Americansrnawaken to the realit}’ of its existencernand the threat it represents, as manyrnEuropeans are awakening now, wernshould be able to defeat it far morerneffectively than we ever defeated ourrnearlier foe. crnSEPTEMBER 1998/37rnrnrn