American citizen in any meaningful sense, to cheapen ourncitizenship beyond toleration. The restriction of immigrationnand citizenship rights will make American citizenship morenvalued and viable, not less so.nDemocracy, as our forefathers clearly recognized, is not a groupnof people living under common procedures and economicnexchanges. It is a social fabric of tradition, habit, and prejudicenthat makes self-government possible in a way thatnno proclaimed set of procedures or even carefully balancedninterests can. A miscellaneous collection of people are not citizensnof a republic but interchangeable ciphers of imperialism.nThe aspiration of a globalized citizenship is not the vision ofnrepublicanism but the dream of empire. In order for Americannsociety to begin to feel its power and reassert itselfnagainst government, it must have a period of stabilization. Wenmust have time to absorb the great immigration we have receivednin the last three decades. Otherwise we will havena society increasingly fragmented rather than pluralistic, dividedninto hostile groups competing for advantage, a situation innwhich democracy cannot long survive, as the history of the worldnshows. Unlimited immigration serves the rich and the government,nnot the people.nHere we find the deep moral problem of modem society. Ournunrestricted immigration, the celebration of constant and endlessnsocial transformation, does not result from allegiancento democracy or liberality of spirit. It results from the same statenof mind as our economic irresponsibility—an inability to carenabout posterity and act for the future. A healthy society,nlike that of our forefathers, will automatically take account ofnthe welfare of its posterity when it makes decisions. There cannbe no posterity in a society whose citizens are merely interchangeablenparts of a politico-economic machine.nIt is true that we live in a very different world from our Fathersnand that our solutions cannot always be the same as theirs.nBut our problem is the same—the harnessing of power. Theynsolved the problem for their time, and the problem is solvablenin our time, given sufficient will and political genius. There isnmuch in modern society that makes convenient the dispersalnPoliticsnTbon^as iteming Vntransactionnand devolution of power as well as its consolidation. The computerncan serve decentralization as well as centralization. Therenis no reason why we cannot have many small humane factoriesnor schools rather than a few large ones. As Edward Abbeynobserved in one of the wisest insights of our time: “Growthnis the enemy of progress.” Consolidation of power is not sonmuch inherent in our current state of society as it is the productnof choices made and institutions constructed in the pastnthat showed a bias in favor of gigantism over humane scale,ncentralized control over freedom, and elitism over democraticnrule. In imitation of our Fathers we may solve the problemnof consolidated power.nAllen Tate observed that our Founders “had a profound instinctnfor high style, a genius at dramatizing themselves at theirnown particular moment of history. They were so situatedneconomically and politically that they were able to form a definitenconception of their human role; they were not ants in anneconomic anthill, nor were they investigating statisticallynthe behavior of other ants. They knew what they wantednbecause they knew what they, themselves, were.” It may be thatnthis sense of self-determination of free men enjoyed by ournFathers is an impractical goal, not fully realizable in the modernnworld. But unless we recover it at least as an ideal and anpoint of reference toward which we direct our collective selves,nthe American experiment has failed. The restoration of thenfederal republic will not in itself solve all our problems becausenthe ends of human life do not rest in government and becausenmodern society is in deep spiritual crisis, as every greatnthinker of our century has observed. But the restraint of powernis a necessary first step for all progress—moral, economic, political,ncultural. Leviathan has gotten loose from the harnessnour forefathers so skillfully fashioned for him. He hasnknocked over the fence, laid waste our gardens, and waxednfat on our substance. We must begin to look to our husbandry,nbut first we will have to chain the beast. In this task wenhave one great advantage—the preponderance of thenAmerican people are still republican at heart.n^>n^ ^ Learned, thoughtful, and superblynwritten AA -Robert NisbetnNATIONAL REVIEWn”In this probing and thoughful book, ThomasnFleming has begun to address the principalnchallenge to our society and polity.”n-Elizabeth Fox-GenovesenCHRONICLESn”A thoughtful conservative of the old school.n… Progressives and radicals could benefitnfrom grappling with Fleming’s intellectuallynstimulating presentation.”nTHE PROGRESSIVEnISBN: 0-88738-189-8 (cloth) 276 pp. $32.95nMajor credit cards accepted. Call (201) 932-2280nSend prepaid orders to:ntransaction publishersnr* I Department FLn—‘ Rutgers-The State Universityntransaction New Brunswick, N.J. 08903nnnJUNE 1992/17n