to apologize for chief of staffrnRene Emilio Ponce, dismissing thernmurders as a sort of forgivablerncorporate glitch, like runningrnout of Xerox toner. “Managementrncontrol problems can exist inrnthese kinds of situations,” hernsaid.rnDiscussing the wider problem of staternviolence and repression in El Salvador,rnWalker was remarkably circumspect.rn”I’m not condoning it, but in times likernthis of great emotion and great anger,rnthings like this happen,” he said. In whatrnmay be the most amazing statement of all,rngiven his current occupation, Walkerrnquestioned the ability of any person or organizationrnto assign blame in such cases:rnShrugging off news of eyewitnessrnreports that the Jesuit murdersrnhad been committed by men in Salvadoranrnarmy uniforms, Walkerrntold Massachusetts congressmanrnJoe Moakley that “anyone can getrnuniforms. The fact that theyrnwere dressed in military uniformsrnwas not proof that they were military.”rnLater, Walker would recommendrnto Secretary of StaternJames Baker that the UnitedrnStates “not jeopardize” i t s relationshiprnwith El Salvador by investigatingrn”past deaths, howeverrnheinous.”rnThis, coming from a man who would laterrnrecommend that the United States go tornwar over “heinous deaths.” In 1996,rnWalker hosted a ceremony in Washingtonrnin honor of 5,000 American soldiers whornfought secretly in El Salvador. WhilernWalker was ambassador to El Salvador,rnthe U.S. government’s official story wasrnthat there were only 50 military advisorsrnin the country:rnGiven Walker’s background, he wasrnchosen because of his provenrnwillingness to say whatever hisrngovernment wants him to say, andrnto keep quiet when he i s told tornkeep quiet-about things like arngunrunning operation, or thernpresence of 4,950 undercover mercenariesrn(whose existence he regularlyrndenied with a straightrnface) in the banana republicrnwhere you are Ambassador. . . .rnWalker’s role in Racak was to assrni s t the KLA in fabricating arnSerb massacre that could be usedrnas an excuse for military action.rnTo make sense of the American rulingrnestablishment’s unstated agenda in thernwar against Serbia, it is as yet too early tornturn to the Weekly Standard or the A^evvrnRepublic, but an indicator of the shape ofrnthings to come was given in an article inrnthe Korea Herald on May 1. The author,rnJon Huer, was described as a professor ofrnsociology and philosophy at the Universityrnof Maryland, Asian Division, and “thernauthor of a dozen books on American society.”rnAt the outset, Huer admitted that hernwas impressed by the thought of “howrnpainfully different Americans and Serbsrnare from each other”:rnThe bombing by Americans and human-rnshielding by Serbs are arndramatic illustration of the epicrncontrast that the two peoples andrntheir societies represent. Onrnone side is the high technologyrnof ultimate sophistication, sornlogical and so rational, withrnl i t t l e human involvement. . . .rnOn the other side i s the totalrndisregard of logic and rationality.rnThe military equation in thernconfrontation, so clearly onesided,rnis cast aside by the compulsionsrnof the heart, bitterlyrncarved and forged by historicalrnmemories, both conscious and subconsciousrn.rnThe Serbs know that they are no matchrnfor the American-led technological armada,rnHuer contends, and there is not even arntoken gesture that suggests a two-sidedrnwar. They are meeting the losses andrnbearing the pains of destruction: “theirrnreasoning is completely dominated byrntheir heart, so full of grief and bitterness.”rnTheir “primeval messages from their pastrnare so overwhelming” that reason or calculationrnwould have little effect on thernSerbian soul. This fact contrasts “twornarchetype societies, one future-orientedrnand the other past-oriented.” Americansrnbeheve in the power of technology “andrnall that it implies—reason, logic, practicality,rnsolution-finding.” Serbs believern”in the powers of their destiny—absolute,rnunyielding, powerful, and so human”:rnAmericans are now entering arnwholly different era of societyrnand culture, one that the worldrnhas never seen before. . . . arn”Post-Human Era” where a l l aspectsrnof social l i f e are streamlinedrnand rationalized, and allrnshades of human relations and nuancesrnsimplified into manageablernroutines and procedures. . . . Inrnthis way, there is l i t t l e energyrnor passion that is wasted inrndealing with human relations inrnsociety, now mostly done as paperworkrnby paid specialists likernlawyers and counselors and bureaucrats.rnIt is no wonder thatrnthe Post-Human Americans can totally,rnutterly concentrate theirrnenergy and ingenuity in leadingrnthe world with their technological,rncultural, economic, and militaryrnsuperiority. This Post-HumanrnAmerica is light years awayrnfrom Serbia, which is s t i l l inrnthe Dark Ages for all i t srnthoughts and actions that bear nornresemblance to modernity.rnWho will prevail in the long run? Huerrndeclares his preferences:rnMy historical hunch i s that Americansrnare the future prototypernhumans, and Serbs an atavisticrnholdover from a bygone era. ThernPost-Human America will dominaternthe coming century, precisely forrnthe reason that their energy andrnpassion are wholly devoted to thernsingular task of expanding informationrntechnology, elaboratingrnpopular culture, dominating economicsrnand finances, and continuingrnmilitary hegemony the worldrnover. . . . [I]n the long run,rnthe world belongs to the kindrnthat is committed to extendingrnthe technological frontiers andrnthinking with economic calculus,rnnot ethnic nationalism or xenophobia.rnIt would behoove thernSerbs to recognize this inevitablerndevelopment of historyrnand join up with what will be,rnnot what was or should be.rnThis gem of brutal honesty indicatesrnthat Kosovo truly is the defining momentrnof our civilization and the test of itsrnchances for survival in the coming century.rnBetween the “rational post-humans”rnepitomized by Clinton, Albright, Berger,rnCohen, and Walker, and the atavistic, irrational,rnoh-so “human” Serbs, we can onlyrnhope that the latter prevail.rnJULY 1999/27rnrnrn