power and moncv and power and money. Let me eite only arnfew examples.rnSecretaries of State: Dean Aeheson, William Rogers, EdrnMr. Kissinger runs the most Muskie, and Henry Kissinger,rndangerous rent-a-pol service in Washington, and his “associates”rnhave included Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleburger,rnboth of whom have been in a position to influence policyrntoward former clients in Kuwait and Yugoslavia; ofrnCommerce: Peter Peterson (chairman of the Council on ForeignrnRelations); of Defense: Clark Clifford. Other senior executivernofficials who have lent their talents to the rivals ofrnthe United States include Attorney General Richard Kleindienst,rnOMB Director David Stockman, Federal Reserve ChairmanrnPaul Volcker, National Security Advisor Richard Allen,rnChairman of the President’s Council of Economic Adisors,rnIlediert Stein, and—most significantlv of all—U.S. TradernRepresentatives Bill Brock, Carla Hills, and Ron Brown.rnThen there are the senators; Birch Bavh, Abraham Ribicoff,rnRichard Stone, Herman Talmadge, John Culver, WalterrnIluddleston, Paul Laxalt, Charles Mathias, Frank Churchrn. . . . What a crew, what a country. The list could take up thernentire magazine, if we included assistant secretaries of commercernor the senators who refuse to register as lobbyists, to sayrnnothing of members of the House of Representatives. As JackrnAnderson once observed, “Old Congressmen never die. Theyrnjust become lobbyists.”rnCritics of this racket, from Senator William Fulbright tornCharles Lewis, have argued for controls, such as a ban on foreignrncontributions to political candidates and stricter enforcementrnof registration and reporting regulations. (HenryrnKissinger, for example, is not registered as a foreign agent.)rnBut the method that is most likely to succeed is that adoptedrnby Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot: publicity. Candidates for officernneed to make an issue of their opponents’ foreign PACrnmoney; the heroic Washington press corps needs to namernnames and expose the dirty little secrets of the economicrnFifth Column that is fighting on the enemy side of a tradernwar. All this presupposes that there are sufficient numbers ofrnAmerican voters who care who owns the government or therncountry, so long as there is a little something in it for themselvesrn—a job working for the Japanese, a cheaper car, or arnbaseball game that some dumb foreigner is willing to subsidize,rnhi the end, all of Demosthenes’ efforts came to nothing,rnbecause the Athenian people had lost the will to preserverntheir liberties, and in the United States today there is not a singlernman in high office who is willing to stand up and denouncernthe dirtv business that we politely describe as “buyingrninfluence.” The fact of the matter is that whenever a foreignerrnbuys influence, there is an American who is selling arnpiece of his country. crnSilver Spoonsrnby Richard MoorernBorn, as I was, with silver spoon in mouth,rnI do not suffer drouth.rnWith certain problems solved . . .rnbut, friends, there’s been some enterprise involved.rnTo take what fates bequeath—rnthat spoon—and keep it clamped between my teethrnO yes! The world is full of fops and goonsrnwho’ve lost their silver spoons.rnMAY 1993/1 3rnrnrn