came to their aid.nIn 1910 Britain created a dominion, the “Union of SouthnAfrica,” from the Cape, Natal Provinces, and the twonformer republics of Transvaal and the Orange Free State. Innthis new, almost independent state, the British and thenAnglophile Afrikaner minority collaborated for 38 years andnformed a parliamentary majority, the Union Party, whichnwas eventually defeated by the National Party of thenAfrikaners (who form more than 60 percent of the Whitenpopulation). This led not only to increased segregationismnbut also created the first British trauma in South Africa.nStill, the driving force for apartheid, the segregation ofnthe races, came not from the Afrikaners but from thenpredominantly “English” trade unions who feared thencompetition of Black labor. The leading role in this movenfor separation was played by “Bill” Andrews, a real “identitarian.”nRacism, like ethnicism, is often a leftist tendency. Itnshould not be so surprising that Mr. Andrews finallynbecame Comrade Andrews and ended his career as GeneralnSecretary of the CPSA, the Communist Party of SouthnAfrica. “Classism,” in the end, appeared to him morenimportant than racism, but he admirably combined bothnconcepts. To the White miners he argued quite convincinglynthat “cheap” and “dirty, ill-smelling Kaffirs” in the minesnwere the evil work of “capitalism” and that Whites must benprotected against them. He organized major demonstrationsnin Johannesburg where the protesters carried banners withnthe words: “Workers of the World fight and unite for anWhite South Africa!” The result of Andrews’ activities wasna programmatic apartheidism in the South Africa labornmovement.nThis tendency found a place in the legislation whichnenacted a most meticulous segregationism. This strictnsegregationism I encountered at my first visit in SouthnAfrica, back in 1959. After lengthy studies I returned inn1970 and changed my mind about the country and itsngovernment. My most recent visit, in spring 1987, resultednin over 100 interviews and countless contacts. A countrynhas to be visited and revisited to see in what direction it isnmoving. A quarter of a century should be sufficient, Insuppose. The segregationism also found its way into thenteaching of the two (Calvinistic) “Low German” {Nederuitse)nChurches, the Reformed and the Rereformed Church.nThis stand, however, was solemnly abrogated in 1986.nIt must also be admitted that the Whites of South Africanhave always made concerted efforts to improve the livingnstandards of the “Non-Whites” (Me Blankes) and tonprovide them with more and better schools as well as with anrapidly improving medical service. They had, in the past,ndone a great deal of slum clearance whose character hasnbeen willfully distorted abroad. Just like the population ofnthe Brazilian favelas, the Blacks loved their squatters quartersnwhich in everybody’s interest had to be torn down andnreplaced with sanitary, superior buildings. A place likenSoweto (“South Western Township”), outside of Johannesburg,nstill has two illegal squatters quarters, but otherwise allnmodern amenities. There is a car in front of every thirdnbuilding, television antennae on practically every home,nelectricity, and elegant neighborhoods with expensive villasnlike those of Bishop Tutu (“His name,” a Black minister andnprofessor told me, “is to me a four letter word”) and Mrs.nMandela. Compared to poor Indian neighborhoods, BlacknAfrican bidonvilles, South American villa miserias, ornfavelas, Soweto is palatial. No wonder that Black peoplenfrom Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique desperately trynto get into South Africa to enjoy the fruits of Whiten”management” and higher living standards. In spite ofnmuch unemployment and foreign sanctions, these standardsnget higher and higher, above all for the Blacks, the Coloreds,nand the Indians.nBut to what extent do the Blacks really resent Whitenrule? The masses, especially the rural masses, are indifferent,nbut naturally the resentment against the existing ordernmounts with the educational level. A Black who has gonenthrough a secondary school and a university is convincedn(perhaps against his own inclinations) of Western culturalnsuperiority, and therefore he rebels against his social exclusion.nHe sees in the few remnants of apartheid a genuine,npersonal insult. This is not true of the masses. There is nonracial, but only tribal hatred in South Africa. Blacks show nonsubservience (or arrogance) to White people, but it must bennoted that a “Colored” will resent to be viewed as a Black, anZulu as a Xhosa, and Indians will protest against a Colorednsettiement in their midst (or, as in a recent case in Durban,nvice versa). The masses of the Blacks do not hate or evennadmire the White Man—they rather view him with somensort of amused pity, as a typical member of an acquisitivensociety, a man who toils ceaselessly, worries about everything,nis sexually underprivileged, enjoys life very littie, andnis generally a poor human specimen. In the eyes of thenBlack Man, the White Man has only his technology, but ifnhis car gets stalled in the Kalahari and he has to walk 30nmiles to the next tank station, he will collapse. On the othernhand, the Black Man is not pressed for time; he is strong, sonhe just starts walking. Moreover, the White Man knowsnnothing about witchcraft or the forces of the supranatural.n(Being a truly modern man and not a product of the 19thncentury, I certainly do believe in these demonic forces.)n”White” South Africa, through a number of agencies,nmade great efforts to raise the Black living standards andncreate a Black middle class. Here we have to bear in mindnthat apartheid today, except for the Croup Area Act, willnsoon be modified radically. (The ruling National Party willncertainly modify it strongly, but could not say so prior to thenelections, not to lose votes to racist groups.) Actually, thenabolition of the Croup Area Act itself would create verynlittie (if any) change. Such a legislation does not exist in thenUnited States, and yet we see the black ghettos. Also to fallnis the segregation in South Africa’s public schools. Therenare no segregation laws for private schools, which, asnelsewhere, are superior to public schools, and they arenactually racially mixed. A majority of them have a denominationalncharacter. And the South African universities arenwithout exception open to all races! Even the Rand AfrikannUniversity (teaching in Afrikaans) has a fair number ofnBlack students. There are some “uniracial” universities fornBlacks, like Unizulu and Medunsa (Medical University ofnSouth Africa), but their charters also oblige them to takenWhite, Indian, or Colored students (and a few of them donattend). I visited the highly impressive Medunsa and gave anwell-attended lecture at Unizulu, which was followed by andebate. Segregation on the college-university level hasnnnMAY 19881 21n