vive and advance within its ranks are likely to be less treacherousrnand to retain more allegiance to ethnic, community, andrnsocial bonds than managers in the law-abiding firms. Nevertheless,rnthe Commission system inaugurated by Luciano andrnLansky did reduce internecine wars, vendettas, and unauthorizedrnassassinations among the gangs for a generation. Corporaternmanagement and manipulation of markets became thernmain pillar of organized criminal enterprise in the UnitedrnStates rather than blasting away personal enemies in elevatorsrnand phone booths.rnThe Luciano-Lansky coup d’etat of September 11-13, 1931,rnwas an event comparable on a much smaller scale to a bloodlessrncoup mounted two years later by Franklin Roosevelt. LikernFDR’s, the Luciano-Lansky coup involved the elimination of arncompeting old elite, an elite that was socially rooted and ethnicallyrnhomogeneous. It also involved the creation of a new eliternas the riding class of organized crime, new institutions throughrnwhich the new elite exercised power and controlled the remnantsrnof the old elite, and a new ethic and operadonal style ofrnmanagerial manipulation in place of the old ethic of conspiracyrnand vendetta. The new elite was both ethnically diverse andrnmore managerially skilled than the old one and thus couldrnmore effectively control and manage the vastly more complicatedrnand specialized operations of the new cartel. The tiansitionrnin crime was comparable to the larger transition in thernAmerican economy from the locally based, owner-operated,rnproduction-oriented businesses and industries of pre-managerialrnsociet)’ to the transnational, managerially controlled, and service-rnoriented businesses of the managerial order. Commentingrnon the transition in the larger societ)’, the late E. DigbyrnBaltzell wrote in The Protestant Establishment:rnthe real schizophrenia within the ranks of the businessrncommunity came, by and large but of course not entirely,rnfrom the conflict between this old-stock concentrationrnin the older, more production-oriented seats of economicrnpower and the newer consumer and communicationsrnbranches of the business community. Thus, not onlyrnwere those leaders in communications (radio and motionrnpictures), in retail sales, and especially in the new electionicrnappliances, more likely to support the New Dealrneconomically because of its efforts to redistribute wealthrnand place purchasing power in the hands of the massesrnof consumers; it was the members of the newer ethnicrnminorities, especially the Jews, who supported the NewrnDeal because they had taken the lead in developingrnthese newer, consumer fields, partly because of the casternmonopoly of the older centers of production and commercialrnbanking maintained by established members ofrnthe old-stock upper class.rnIt was no accident that what really excited the Little Man andrnhis crazy sidekick Bugsy Siegel were the communications andrnconsumer-oriented pastures of Los Angeles and Las Vegas orrnthat Bugsy himself was obsessed with HolH-wood, nor probablyrnwas it an accident that Luciano threw his support behind Rooseveltrnin the elections of 1932 (he later soured on FDR whenrnthe President reneged on his deal with Lucky; the experiencernwent far to disillusion Luciano with politics in general. “WhatrnI did was illegal. . . . Wliat he did was legal. But the pattern ofrnit was exacfly the same. . . . I never knew that a guy who wasrngonna be President would stick a knife in your back when yournwasn’t lookin’. I never knew his word was no better than lots ofrnracket guys,” he whined to Gosch and Hammer.) One can easilyrnimagine some old-stock Sicilian Mustache Pete, forced outrnof his neighborhood brothels and speakeasies by the new Caesar,rnranting about Charlie Lucky, a traitor to his own blood andrnsurrounded by Jewish advisors, destroying everything that wasrndecent. It is in fact precisely the complaint that Frank Pentangelirnbrings against Michael Corleone in The Godfather, Part U,rnand it is precisely the same complaint that the old-stock businessrnleaders brought against Franklin Roosevelt. The analogiesrnbetween Roosevelt and Luciano are clear enough; whetherrnthere are significant differences between the managerialrnCaesar in the White House and his counterpart who createdrnthe thoroughly modern Mob and who died in exile in Italy inrn1962 is perhaps best left to those who knew them as well asrnCharlie Luckv came to know FDR. crnThe Albatrossrnby Charles Edward EatonrnAmong all your gains—women, the sea, fruit, art—rnand not a single albatioss? —rnThe list is so compressed it begs another point of view:rnThere is some expansion, surely one considers loss.rnLips cannot kiss every minute, every hour.rnThe sea recedes like sexual deflation.rnThe nose in all its arrogance can never smell everyrnsingle flower.rnSome women promise you no breaking-off, no gap —rnThen one glorious afternoon you think is all-out love,rnShe yawns, a chasm in her mouth, proceeds to take arnnap.rnSomewhere the long-stiuck harp is mute —rnThere are no bridges in the silence of the house.rnThe pictures pornographic, the table decked with bittenrnfruit.rnThere at sea you swear you glimpse a shipwreck—rnYour gleaming body says, you say, it still adores thernworld.rnBut cannot shake the heavy feeling of a weight aroundrnthe neck.rnResignation rises in between the close interstices —rnBagged and feeling beaked, you clear the table, gatherrnmust)’ clothes.rnKiss the woman wide awake, and make the bird itselfrnpick up the pieces.rnOCTOBER 1998/17rnrnrn