status for their son. (After his death the son, Pericles “Junior,”nwas granted citizenship.) He passed his time with Anaxagoras,nwho proclaimed the sun no god but a hot rock about thensize of Southern Greece, and with Protagoras, for whom “Mannwas the measure of all things.” Pericles combined clear-eyed politicalnrealism with what amounted to open contempt for traditionalnvalues. He died shortly after involving Athens in yet anothernof the imperialistic wars that had marked his mle. Pericleanndemocracy collapsed a generation after his death and the restoredndemocracy of 403 proclaimed its attachment to the moralisticnSolonian regime of the early sixth century, not to the antitraditionalnPericlean model.nNineteen-year-old Gaius Octavius found himself adopted bynhis uncle Julius Gaesar after the latter’s assassination in 44 B.C.nThe old Republic of aristocratic hegemony tempered by annualnelections and tribunician vetoes had succumbed to the pressuresncreated by Rome’s dominance of the Mediterraneannfollowing her victory over Carthage in the late third century.nThe date of the crisis of the old Republic is debatable. 1 see itnin the attempt by the patrician Claudian family to assume virtualncontrol over the Roman system by means of the brilliantnyoung aristocrat, Tiberius Gracchus, tribune for 133. Under thenguise of providing farms for Roman soldiers, Gracchus attemptednto seize all the public land in Italy to be distributednby a committee consisting of himself, his teenage brother, Gaius,nand his father-in-law, Appius Claudius, the richest man in Rome.nTo support his plan, he seized control of the tax revenues of thenwealthiest state in the Mediterranean, Asia. A riot led by thenPontifex Maximus ended in Tiberius’ death, but the lesson thatna combination of welfare for the “deserving poor” and imperialismnfor the ambitious rich could be the basis for power wasnwell leamed by the Roman aristocracy. By 44 B.C. the Mediterraneannwas in ruins and most of the old Roman nobility dead.nThe free state was lost, according to Cicero, but it was a “crisisnwithout alternative,” in the words of German historiannChristian Meier. No other system seemed acceptable. Julius Caesarnsought the imposition of a monarchy, openly assertingnthe death of the old regime. The knives of Brutus and Cassiusnvetoed the proposal. Octavian, as Gaius Octavius was callednafter his adoption, had another plan.nHe proclaimed the restoration of the old Republic. He gavencontrol of the free state back to the Senate and the People. Innreturn he received the honorary title Augustus and held the powersnof the old Tribunes on a permanent basis. He controlled appointmentsnof commanders of the army and had veto powernover senators when they ran provinces. He was thus able to putna stop to the aristocratic feeding frenzy that had nearly bankmptednthe Mediterranean in an orgy of welfarism at home and intervenrionismnabroad. If the nobility refused to play by the rulesnof the common good, the res publica, there was now a Princeps,na First Citizen, to act as umpire.nIt was clear to ancients and moderns alike that this was notnthe old Republic. Augustus’ hypocrisy extended beyond politics.nHe passed laws to enforce sexual morality although he hadnmarried his wife when she was pregnant. He boasted of buildingnand restoring temples where he never worshiped. Thenparallels with Ronald Reagan could be extended. His cynicalnhypocrisy in manipulating public opinion, in instituting thenmonarchy his adopted father had planned while publishing hisnrestoration of the Free State has been memorably etched innRonald Syme’s 1939 classic Roman Revolution. Only in his lastnpages does Syme admit that the Augustan regime rescued then24/CHRONICLESnnnMediterranean from a century of violence and exploitation andngave it two hundred years of growth and prosperity. Trade wasnfree from Britain to Egypt, from Syria to Spain. Cities sprangnup all over the empire. Moderns can travel a hundred miles intonthe Libyan desert to visit Roman villas and pass by Romannaqueducts. Literature and art achieved marvelous levels of ambitionnand accomplishment. Europe dreamed for a thousandnyears of this government. It fell in the eariy third century, A.D.,nafter the reign of the realist Septimius Sevems, who openly basednhis government on control of the army and contempt for thenfacade of constitutional government.nNo society that repudiates its traditions prospers. Classicalnrepublicanism has roots deep in the ancient world, beginningnwith the development of democracy from sixth-centurynisonomia and continuing on to the critiques of Thucydides,nPlato, and Aristotle, the application of philosophical theory tonthe Roman Republic by Polybius and the exemplification of thatntheory by Sallust, Cicero, and Livy. It was no accident thatnMachiavelli’s most important work took the form of a commentarynon Livy. The Athenian democracy, the Roman Republic,nthe Florentine state, the American federal Republic werenvery different states. They all form part of a political traditionnthat is as old and as important as the intellectual tradition ofnscience. There are other traditions, but this one has deepnroots in our nation’s moral infrastructure. The example of Augustusnhints that if we are to move beyond our own crisisnwithout alternative, we must do so by proclaiming a restoration.nWe moderns must place ourselves inside traditions if we wantnto innovate. The ancient Greeks could create what no one hadndreamed of before, but we are not like that. We create best whennlooking backwards, like Leopardi’s Italians and Yeats’ Irish. “Castnyour minds on other days, that we in future days may be still”nwhat we were and can be again, even though it be somethingnvery different from anything “we” ever were. The mottonof the party of progress must be “Keep it like it was.” For goodnor for ill, republicanism is our political tradition.nAugustus’ use of tribunician power bore only a tenuousnrelationship to the historical Tribunes of the Plebs and their verynconcrete rights of intercession. There will be many areas wherenwe shall have to improvise in ways that form no part of classicalnrepublicanism. We should not hesitate to do so, nor should wenheed cries of inconsistency shrieked by bookish republicans andncentralizing opponents. There will be advantages in usingnrepublicanism to construct our new government. We shall keepndecisions on the lowest level and have a good excuse to dismantlenhostile institutions. We should not, of course, be led by ideologynto attack friendly institutions. The NEA must go; we mustnencourage the NEH. One promotes pornography; the othernencourages the traditions of scholarship that go back tonAlexandria. One is a friendly institution, the other hostile. Thatnis not all we know on Earth, but in building a new national order,nit is all we need to know. Patrick Buchanan was urged tonreject federal matching funds in his campaign. Had he donenso, he would have disappeared down the memory hole. Dissidentsnneed to fight with the weapons at hand. We must benloyal to the time-tested principles of the past, but use the livingninstitutions of the present to create our new future.nThe “Restoration of Republicanism” will allow us to avoidnperils raised by nationalism in three paradigmatic areas; isolationism,nprotectionism, and immigration. The ideals of a Republicnare virtue and autonomy. They do not involve telling oth-n