later, all The New Yorker’s ideologistsnhave to do is to look at the map to discovernthat the spheres of influence haventurned into a pure Bishop Berkeley construct,nand a new, hard reality. And wendo not only have in mind the outrightnconquests through arms or subversionnin the Western hemisphere, Africa andnAsia; we are thinking also of what happenednto the balance of internal powernin Western Europe after all the moneynand help which was given to the CommunistnParties in Italy, France, Iceland,nGreece and Portugal.nIn one of its recent “Notes and Comments,”nin which the editorial opinionnis expressed. The New Yorker expostulatednon the heedlessness of Russians innAfrica: the tone was that of friendlynwarning and advice to learn a lessonnfrom the sickening American debaclenin Vietnam—the best example of a basenimperialistic intent justly punishednby history. Once again. Bishop Berkeleynat his best (or worst.’*). The New Yorker’snsubtle theorists will never learnnthat wherever the Russians enter bynforce of arms, they stay—even if theynhave to murder the entire population.nThe examples of China, Ghana, Egyptnor Somalia are naive: the Russians werennever there except in the capacity ofnadvisors; they did not have a chance toninstall their armored divisions, not tonmention their political police, to effectivelyndeal with a deviation. Once in,nwith all the gadgetry of communistnmilitary and political power, they won’tnfret about possible My Lai’s: the Cubansntrained in henchmanship in the MVDnSiberian camps will take care of Angolans,nMozambiquans and Ethiopiansnwho attempt to play the same games thatnthe Vietnamese played with GeneralnWestmoreland. “In our present daynworld, people are taking over their ownncountries,” asserts The New Yorker,nas if inebriated with inane Berkeleyannidealism. The New Yorker sages shouldntell this political “truth” to the Hungarians,nCzechs, Lithuanians, etc., butnfrom a safe distance: the latters’ responsencould teach them that it is notnS6inChronicles of Culturenthe proximity of power (by which thenliberal foreign policy pundits explainnthe bizarre discrepancy that the imperialistnadverturism of the Soviets couldnsucceed in Eastern Europe, but will failnin Africa), but the ruthlessness of powernwhich decides the conquests. And thisnis the only reason behind our own Vietnamnlesson. (CC)nClockwork Orange Is HerenA reality, both frightening and grotesque,nis described in a book on NewnYork public secondary schools by ancertain Roland W. Betts, entitled ActingnOut: Coping With Big City Schools.nMr. Betts cites games of collectivenmasturbation in restrooms which arenopenly publicized like basketball tournaments,nor describes fourteen-yearoldngirls being ostracized by the schoolncommunity if they still preserve theirnvirginity.n”In junior high schools the most difficultnaspect of sex for the uninitiatednis the openness with which most supposedlynprivate phenomena are approached.nActs of affection usuallynreserved for the living-room couch,na bedroom, or at least the backseat ofna Rambler are now performed routinelynin crowded school corridors.”nMr. Betts refrains from judging thisnreality, surrealistic and horrendous atnthe same time. His prose, investigativenas it is, carries a smirky innuendo of andispassionate observer who is abovenoutrage. He seems not to understandnthat his attitude, which is based on thenincapacity to formulate an ardent condemnation,nis the source of the problem.nHe is not alone in his refusal to tracenthe evil to its roots. President Carter,nwho socializes with pornographer AndynWarhol, the New York Times, whichndefends Larry Flynt’s right to injectnsexual dementia into the American socialnfabric. Vogue magazine, whichnhas made frontal nudity chic, Time,nwhich prostrates itself before every booknnnextolling “Anything goes,” Rupert Murdoch,nwho gratuitously advertisesn”Plato’s Retreat” in the features of hisnVillage Voice—they are all with him.nMore PoliticsnMark Twain considered the politiciannthe worst scum of the earth, whose onlyntalent was the capacity to swindle andnonly morality greed. And it was thenAmerican politician, the practitioner ofnthe most gloriously designed politicalnsystem in history, who he had in mind.nWe always liked Twain’s proclivity tonhyperbole, but regarded his feelings withnamused reservations. As if there wasnnot enough proof that he was rathernreticent in his judgment, in Illinois wennow see how moderate Twain’s beliefsnwere. Three weeks after the electoralncampaign—during which the candidatesnand incumbents all swore that they werenagainst inflationary spending, and fornthe relief of the overburdened taxpayern—the Illinois legislators voted a paynraise for themselves. Inflation presentlynruns at a 77o to 10% rate, the most aggressiventax cuts proposed never exceededn33%, while the “responsible lawmakers”nbestowed upon themselves an40% pay hike. It will cost the martyrednIllinois taxpayer well over $8 million.nThe common cant, with which theynnow try to justify their rape of the publicntrust, is that they would do much betternin private professions than in the civilnservice. But three weeks ago, fully informednabout how much they werengoing to be paid, they all wanted to cutnthe throats of their competitors for thenjob. Their triumph made them, in theirnminds, best suited to represent thenpeople of Illinois. Which amounts tonthe mere fact that the Illinois peoplenshould feel comfortable with crooksnmaking laws for them. What can we callnpeople who needed but three weeks notnonly to renege on their own pledge, butnalso to do just the contrary: instead ofncutting the budget, to instantly increasenit? Tricksters or traitors.-*n