crats still control both houses, and theyrnknow that if AIDS is not stopped beforernthe year 2000, their most T)cal and activernconstituency will disappear. If thisrnpolicy leads to a cure for AIDS, I intendrnto follow it with a similar deregulationrnover treatment for all other known diseases.rnI call this program “BureaucracyrnIs the Real Epidemic.”rn6. The Post OfficernThe U. S. Congress has its own postalrnsystem. Not many Americans know this.rnCongressmen and Senators are not requiredrnto send their first-class lettersrnthrough the U. S. Postal System. I willrnpropose legislation establishing this samernfreedom for every American. I call thisrnprogram “Stamp Out Monopoly.”rn7. TreatiesrnFrom now on, every treats’ proposedrnto the U. S. Senate by this administrationrnwill have a self-destruct clause inrnit. If it is not proposed again bv thernPresident and consented to again b) thernSenate eight years after it becomes law,rnit automatically lapses. I call this programrn”No Permanent Entangling Alliances.”rn8. Monetary PolicyrnArticle I, Section 10 of the U. S.rnConstitution prohibits any state fromrnmaking, and I quote, “any Thing butrngold and silver Coin a Tender in Pa’-rnment of Debts.” I will propose legislationrnthat will apply this same prohibitionrnto the federal government. If suchrna restriction is good enough for California,rnit’s good enough for Washington.rnIf Congress doesn’t want gold or silverrnas legal tender, the U. S. monetary systemrncan do without legal tender. Fiatrnmoney is always a false promise. No onernshould be compelled to accept it exceptrnthe tax collector. I call this programrn”Let’s Hang Alan Greenspan From arnSour Apple Tree.”rn9. CitizenshiprnI will propose legislation that limitsrnU. S. citizenship to those children bornrnof, or adopted by, a family containingrnat least one American parent and tornthose adults naturalized by law. Thisrnwill end the eighth-month pregnancyrnflights from South America into thernUnited States for the purpose of establishingrnU. S. citizenship for one’s newbornrnchild. I call this program “It’s arnNice Place to Visit, but You Wouldn’trnWant to Vote Here.”rn10. International OrganizationsrnI will introduce legislation establishingrnthat the United States government mustrnreduce its annual payment or so-calledrn”contribution” to any international organization,rnincluding the United Nations,rnby whatever amount necessary sornthat its annual payment does not exceedrnthe smallest annual payment requiredrnfrom any member nation of that organization.rnWhat’s good enough for Chadrnis good enough for the United States. Irncall this program “Low Bid Wins.”rn11. Federal Real EstaternI am signing Executive Order 12,790,rnwhich requires every federal executivernagency to pay to the U. S. Treasury arnmonthly rental payment equal to the establishedrnmarket rent for comparablernproperty in the same business district.rnNo more subsidies to the agencies.rnThey will have to budget their rent paymentsrnjust as any other organizationrndocs. Any agency that agrees to pay arnhigher rent to the Treasury will be allowedrnto occupy any federal buildingrnpresently occupied bv any other federalrnagency. Any agency that believes that itrncan save money by moving outside ofrnWashington, D.C., will be allowed tornexercise that option. I call this programrn”High Bid Wms.”rn12. Bureau of Indian AffairsrnI am signing Executive Order 12,791,rnwhich abolishes the Bureau of IndianrnAffairs. The money previously allottedrnfor overhead and salaries to employees ofrnthe bureau will be di’ided equally betweenrntwo funds. The first will be a taxrebaternfund. Money in the second fundrnwill be sent on a per family basis to Indianrnfamilies now under the jurisdictionrnof the Bureau of Indian Affairs. No furtherrnmonc) will be sent to the tribalrncouncils. C)ne hundred fifty years of socialismrnis long enough. I call this programrn”Scalp Some Bureaucrats.”rnSome of my friends have warned mernthat by proposing this 12-part programrnto restore the republic I will probably bernassassinated by some incensed liberal. Irnworried about this until just fifteen minutesrnago. But I shall worry about it nornlonger . . . not since the swearing in ofrnVice-President Schlafly.rnIn 1933, Franklin Roosevelt’s inauguralrnaddress contained two memorablernphrases: “The only thing we have to fearrnis . . . fear itself,” and “We have a rendezvousrnwith destiny.” In 1961, JohnrnF. Kennedy’s inaugural address containedrnone memorable part: “Ask notrnwhat your country can do for you. Askrninstead what you can do for your conntry.”rnI, too, want to be remembered forrnmemorable statements. Therefore, letrnme end my inaugural address with thernfundamental principle that has governedrnmy thinking from my early days in thernNixon administration until today: Yournhave heard it said that you can’t fightrncity hall. But I say unto you, “You canrnp— on the steps and run!”rnGary North in president of thernAmerican Bureau of Economic Researchrnin Tyler, Texas.rnThe Case forrnProportionalrnRepresentationrnby Allan CarlsonrnCongressional reapportionment, anrnorgy of partisan revenge and blatantrnself-interest mandated every tenrnyears by our Constitution, proved particularlyrnugly m 1992. In Tennessee,rnTexas, and other states, judges requiredrnminority-dominated districts be carvedrnout to insure representation to blacksrnand liispanics. The results left evenrnGovernor Gerry turning over in hisrngrave. New electoral districts took onrngrotesque shapes, as railroad tracks andrncreekbeds were used to bring scatteredrnenclaves of “persons-of-color” into contiguousrnzones.rnAs agrarians, the Constitution’s authorsrnassumed that people occupyingrnthe same land area would develop commonrnvalues and concerns. Indeed, inrncrafting the representation structure ofrnthe federal government (senators chosenrnby state legislatures and contiguousrndistricts for seats in the House of Representatives),rnthese men behaved as earlyrn46/CHRONICLESrnrnrn