tion, and sacrifice that war demandsrnof tliem; also to their famihes at fiome.rnOn the other liand, it is always badrntheology—even if God is a Confederate,rnhi our day of banished religion, rclativisticrnmorals, weak principles, and lossrnof nerve, the reality of a governmentrnsupremely confident in the rightness ofrnthe society it represents, and a societyrnequally well-assured of itself, appears tornus as a dream too good to be true. Yetrnsuch self-assurance may have contributedrncrucially to the South’s weakest element,rnits quality of brittleness. No individual,rnand no country, should be toornconfident of having read God’s willrnaright. It is doubtful that the more sophisticatedrnLee shared his subaltern’srnunblinkered faith in the Southern cause,rnsince he himself opposed the war untilrnthe moment when Mr. Lincoln sent federalrntroops across the Potomac and, in itsrnclosing months, confided to his son thernbelief that his compatriots would live tornregret secession—and soon. The Confederacyrnhad legal, constitutional, andrnmoral right on its side; also, as the morerncivilized of the two opposing cultures, itrnhad the more humane vision, slavery orrnno slavery. But did God really wish thernConfederacy to win the war? For thatrnmatter, did He hope to see the Union—rnthe future bastion of abortion, napalm,rnand criminalized prayer—the victor?rnWho knows what God wants? What wcrndo know is that the South lost its bloodyrnbid for independence, and that with therndeath of Stonewall Jackson—shot by hisrnown men in the Wilderness aroundrnChancellorsville—shocked and grievingrnSoutherners wondered, for the first time,rnwhether Cod might really acquiesce inrntheir defeat. Something else we know:rnthat triumph, in this world, is only rarelyrna sign of the Lord’s favor, but rather itsrnopposite.rnJames Robertson’s Stonewall Jackson isrna long book with too-short paragraphsrnand a spare, plain style that exactly suitsrnits reticent, laconic, supremely heroicrnsubject. It is a splendid addition to thernenormous literature on the Lost Causernthat never was lost, the conclusive warrnthat did not end but has continued tornthe present day when it continues to bernfought, under different flags (some ofrnthem), and in a multiplicity of forms andrnguises.rnG 4^^^^ TOPI CS, G i^e^a^t^ I S S U E SrnSQUKKZE PLAY: THE CONSERVATIVErnMIDDLE—April 1997—SamuelrnFrancis on the GOP flop, Mark RoydenrnWinchell on paleoconservatism, GeorgernWatson on the strange friendship betweenrnconservatives and the free market, MartinrnMawyer on the future of the Christianrnright, and Paul Gottfried on Martin LutherrnKing as conservative hero.rnMANIFEST DISASTER: THErnNEW AMERICAN EMPIRE —rnJune 1997—Thomas Fleming on the newrnimperialism, Samuel Francis on globalismrnand its consequences, Joseph Sobranrnon the case for anti-Americanism, SrdjarnTrifkovic on America’s role in the Balkans,rnand James George Jatras on benevolentrnglobal hegemony. Plus JustinrnRaimondo on David Horowitz and thernex-communist confessional.rnChioniclos UTOPIAS UNLIMITED—Mayrn1997—Thomas Fleming on thernworld of W.S. Gilbert, ThomasrnBertonneau on the death of sciencernfiction, Jesse Walker on the cultrnof Philip K. Dick, and Scotl P.rnRichert on the X-Files. PlusrnSamuel Francis reviews the latestrnbiography of H.P. Lovecraft, andrnAugust Derleth’s last editor recallsrnthe founding of Arkham House.rn1 to 4 issues $7.00 each; 5 to 9 issues $5.00 each;rn10 or more issues $4.50 each (postage and handling included). To order by phone callrn1-800-397-8160rnor mail with check to:rnChronicles * 934 North Main Street * Rockford, IL 6 11 03rnJULY 1997/35rnrnrn