ting up for the rest of us, by the 196(l’s there were gentile (andrnsome Jewish) leftists who attacked Zionism and even Judaism itselfrnNoam Chomsky may be an honest intellectual, accordingrnto his lights; as a leftist, however, he makes a bad Jew.rnIn Germany, France, and Canada, any criticism of the darkrnmyth of the holocaust—valid or not—is subject to penalties. Irndo not defend the work of, for example, Robert Faurisson orrneven David Irving, but the abuse which they and their colleaguesrnhave received is out of all proportion to their sins. Irnshare the general distaste —moral and aesthetic—for holocaustrnrevisionists whose arguments seem to come down to the contradictoryrnpropositions that Hitler killed no Jews, and tiiat it is toornbad he let so many of them get awav. But even if all critiques ofrnholocaust propaganda were of this hpc —and they are not—rnhow would that make Ernst Zundel anv different from Marxistrnprofessors who spent so manv years defending Stalin or Mao or,rnfor that matter, from all the svcophantic historians who have defendedrnSherman’s March, the Dresden firebombings, and tlierntwo atomic bombs dropped on Japanese civilians?rnSome day, alien scholars will find the contradictions amusing,rnhow the same people can defend the First Amendmentrnrights of Larr)’ Flyut but try to silence David Ir’ing; how theyrncould speak, last simimer, of bombing for peace and, in thernmemorable words of our man in Prague, of tiic first war foughtrnfor humanitarian principles; how dcmocrac}’ can mean, for example,rnthat the elected Slobodan Milosevic is by definition arndictator while the unelected king of Saudi Arabia, who persecutesrnChristians for merelv displaying the cro,ss, is a legitimaternruler and an ally of this great democracy.rnIn Februar)’, Madeleine Albright went into one of her typicalrnseizures of enraged kakolalia when some portion of the Austrianrnpeople voted for Jorg Haider’s b’reedom Party. That Marxistsrnand ex-Marxists and quasi-Marxists are in charge of half the governmentsrnof the world does not disturb Pani Albright, and shernhas no problem in working for an anti-Anicrican leftist who, asrna student, organized demonstrations in support of tiie murderingrncommunists.rnThis is not hypocrisy: The point of all the leftist arguments isrnnot democracy or free speech or human rights. They arc interestedrnsolclv in riie defense and expansion of tiieir regimes, whichrnare all based on historical lies: the greatiiess of Franklin Roosevelt;rnthe popular front alliance against fascism; the moral, intellectual,rnand political virhies of “Dr.” Martin l^uther King, Jr.rnHere is a short course in the evolution of the Americanrnregime. In Hie beginning, we revered the great Washingtonrnas the prototypical American, the farmer who left his plowrnto defend the people’s liberty. Later on, most Americans (especiallyrnDemocrats) added Jefferson and Jackson to the pantheon,rnas a corrective to the austerely aristocratic Father of Our Countr-.rnMer tiie war that destroyed the union, Lincoln was turnedrninto the martyr for equality.rnBy 1945, the year of my birth, Washington was on the dollarrnbill, Lincoln on the five-spot and the penny, and FDR on therndime. Under this benevolent national socialist empire witiiinrnthe form of a republic, two of our four national political holidaysrnwere the birthdays of the Fatiier of the Republic, GeorgernWashington, and of Abraham Lincoln, the stepfather whornhirned the republic into an empire. Democrats continued torncelebrate Jefferson and Andrew Jackson, and Nortiicrners indulgedrnthe Southerners in their adoration of Lee and Stonewallrnlackson.rnLike most regimes, the United States of mv childhood wasrnbased on a series of constructive myths, and just as most conservatirnes were content to accept FDR as the hero who saved usrnfrom socialism, most Southerners accepted Lincrjln as a tragicrnleader who may have plunged the country into war but wouldrnhave prevented the violence of Reconstruction. In the shortrnrun, such positive myths were useful—even necessary—componentsrnof a national ideology that glued the diverse races, classes,rnand sections together. The only important question-apartrnfrom truth, which is never a political question—was whether orrnnot the revolution inaugurated by Lincoln and expanded underrnthe New Deal could be contained.rnIn fact, he early years of the Cold War succeeded in containingrnmore than Soviet expansion. In the Eisenhowerrndecade, leftist revolution was stuck in tiie mud, making progressrnsomething like Mark Clark’s advance through Sicily. ‘I’henrncame the evil Kennedys, their betraval of our conservative alliesrneverywhere, (particularly in Vietnam where tiiey arranged thernmurder of President Diem), and tiieir embrace of a leftist demagoguernwho turned an honorable moement for civil rights intorna social and political revolution that betrayed his own peoplernwhile undermining all that was best in the old bourgeois order.rnIn his dissolute private life, in his Marxist anti-American principles,rnin the social destruction he inflicted upon botii blackrnand white communities, Martin Luther King, Jr., is the perfectrnsymbol of the new American regime that makes slaves of all ofrnus, and it is fitting that wc no longer have days to honor Washingtonrnand Lincoln, only a generic Presidents Day that lumpsrnMillard P’illmore, Warren Harding, and U.S. Grant togetherrnwith Washington and Lincoln. Todav, the first political holidayrnof the year honors the man who, while accomplishing nothing,rnstill stands as a symbol representing tiie destruction of our Constitution,rnthe nationalization of our schools, and the extinctionrnof our political liberty.rnIf I had a career, the previous paragraph would have damagedrnwhatever my observations on the holocaust myth and President-rnfor-Life Roosevelt had failed to destroy. We do not live inrna free countr)’, if by “free” we mean a place v-here people mayrnspeak their minds without being punished. Nearly everyrnspokesman for the conser’ative “opposition” is carcfid to interlardrnhis speeches with references to his admiration for FDR, hisrnreverence for the legacy of Martin Luther King, his determinationrnto fight for the rights of women and “gays,” and his sensiti’rnit’ to the feelings of blacks, Mexicans, Jews, and Indians—rnoops, Jewish and Native Americans.rnI’he regime, as most intelligent Americans have come to realize,rnis based on race—or rather, racism. ‘I’hose who dissentrnfrom the racist myths of white devils, patriarchal males, bigotedrnSoutherners, antisemitie Christians —to say nothing of UnclernToms, Orcos, and self-hating Jews —will find themselves the focusrnof a regime-sponsored hate campaign that will cost themrntheir reputations and their careers. In Canada, they may evenrnbe fined or jailed for repeating biblical injinctions againstrnsodomy, and the Canadians are only one chapter ahead of usrnotiier Americans in tiic book of racist tvranny.rnOtiier elite classes have used class resentments —or bruternforce—to bolster their power; ours employs the time-honoredrntechnique summed up by the deified Julius in his formula Dividernet impera, divide and rule, and tirey are willing to silence,rnfine, imprison, and persecute any dissident who says tiiat, underneathrnthe new clotiies he is not wearing, the emperor has tattooedrnhis sacred person all over with swastikas. trn12/CHRONICLESrnrnrn