began by gutlessly abandoning the cardinal principle on whichrnNATO was founded.rnThe point has been forcefully made by one of France’s mostrnbrilliant “young philosophers,” Bernard-Henri Levy. The reasonrnwhy NATO was for many years so successful in defendingrnWestern Europe is that it was built around the concept of deterrence.rnAny aggressive Soviet move across the Iron Curtainrnwas certain to involve what John Foster Dulles once calledrn”massive retaliation.” But, Levy points out, from the veryrnstart of the turmoil in Yugoslavia, the Western allies tacitlyrnabandoned the philosophy of deterrence, letting SlobodanrnMiloshevitch know that no matter what happened, the Westrnwas not going to get involved militarily, it was not going to usernthe formidable weapons at its disposal. Politically, and onernmight even say morally, it willfully disarmed itself. ManfredrnWorner, who was an able West German defense minister beforernbecoming secretary-general of NATO, has frequently madernthis point in talking with journalists. Almost from the beginningrnof the turmoil in Yugoslavia, NATO had 65,000 men capablernof intervening, but, alas, “the political will to use themrnwas lacking.”rnIn an article published in the weekly Le Point some monthsrnago, Jean-Frangois Revel reminded his readers that the Yugoslavrnembroglio belonged to that category of problems for which, asrnBertrand de Jouvenel (in Du Pouvoir) observed, there are ricketyrnarrangements but never real solutions. “For example, the sixrnhundred thousand Serbs living in Croatia can neither acceptrnCroatian domination, nor emigrate, for they are too numerous.rnNor can they establish an independent state, for they are toornfew. By the same token, cutting up tiny Bosnia into ten evenrntinier portions in order to encourage peaceful relations betweenrnSerbs, Croatians, and Moslems is a cartographer’s dream, notrna political solution.” But, having said this, Revel was also carefulrnto add, quoting from a book on Yugoslavia written by thernBelgian diplomat Henry Wynaendts: “‘All the organizations inrnthe civilized world have been involved in the Yugoslav affair:rnthe European Community, the C.S.C.E., the High Commissionrnfor Refugees, the Red Cross, the Human Rights Commission,rnthe G7, NATO and the West European Union, thernUnited Nations.’ All they did was aggravate the chaos. In orderrnto solve the unsolvable, there remains, unfortunately,rnonly force. And if force does not come from outside, it willrncome from the strongest on the inside.”rnThis will not, of course, necessarily ensure peace. Probablyrnthe contrary. In the meantime, Slobodan Miloshevitch has ruinedrnhis country economically, disgraced it morally, and startedrna blaze which—in accordance with “Clay’s Law”—will takernmore than verbal condemnations, empty threats, and hypocriticalrn”peace plans” to extinguish.rnrnFROM COVER-UP TO WHITEWASHrnThe REAL King Papersrn”The sordid tale of what has become of ourrninstitutions of learning and scholarship.”rn—Samuel Francisrn”A work of great seriousness, expressedrnin a lucid style (a rare combination).”rn—John Lukacsrn”I would not want it said, a century from now, that therernwas no one willing to stand by Theodore Pappas in hisrnadvocacy of the integrity of the academy . . . “rn—-from the Foreword by Jacob Neusnerrn