ing to lure us into the European imbroglio. He pointed out thatrn”the Wall Street end of the Fed eral Reser’e System” was the financialrnpillar of the Allies: The resources of the U.S. Treasuryrnand depositors’ funds were marshaled in the service of thernBritish and French empires. As Murray N. Rothbard put it inrnWall Street, Banks, and American Foreign Policy, World War 1rncould not have been financed by “the relatively hard-money,rngold standard system that existed before 1914. Fortuitously, anrninstitution was established at the end of 1913 that made thernloans and war finance possible; the Federal Reserve System.”rnThe new machinery of power, once set in place, “enabled thernbanking system to inflate money and credit, finance loans to thernAllies, and float massive deficits once the U.S. entered the war.”rnAs the war hysteria reached new heights and Wilson edgedrntoward intervention, Lindbergh charged that “invisible organizers”rnhad “buncoed” the American people on the war question.rnBut the’ were not invisible to the congressman from Minnesota:rn”Amid all this confusion the lords of special privilege standrnserene in their selfish glee, coining billions of profit from thernrage of war. They coldly register every volley of artillery, e’eryrnact of violent aggression, as a profit on their war stock and warrncontracts.” The “dollar plutocracy,” not the Kaiser, was “therngreatest foe of humanity.”rnIn 1916, as it became clear that America soon would enter thernwar, Lindbergh announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate:rnHe wanted a wider audience for his views. His opponent,rnFrank Kellogg, a former St. Paul lawyer and nationally famousrn”trust-buster” during the reign of Teddy Roosevelt, made militaryrn”preparedness” the main issue of the campaign. As the warrnfever hit new highs, Lindbergh was elearh’ on the defensive, }etrnunwavering in his insistence that although he favored “safe andrnsane preparedness against unfriendly nations if they attack us,”rnhe opposed “turning our country into a military camp.”rnBut the militarizafion of America was already half-achieved,rnand Lindbergh’s voice was raised in vain: He came in last in arnfour-way race, and returned to Washington a lame-duck congressman.rnStill, he was not silenced. The plutocrats, herncharged, were behind the militarization effort: America’s expandedrnarmy and navy would be used in “wars of conquest,” notrnself-defense. He introduced a resolution in the House callingrnfor a negotiated settlement of the European war. But all hopesrnof such a peace vanished on January 31, 1917, when PresidentrnWilson severed diplomatic relations with Germany.rnDespondent yet defiant, Lindbergh bitterly denounced thernWilsonians to his fellow Progressives. “There isn’t any suchrnthing as a war for democracy,” he argued. But would not war resultrnin more government action, asked a friend, and more progressivernreform? Lindbergh’s telling reply was that “war-bornrnthings” are inherently flawed. Prefiguring the rise of FranklinrnDelano Roosevelt, he prophesied that war would have to meanrnthat “dictators will spring up, perhaps even here.”rnThe infamous Zimmerman note, which raised the unlikelyrnspecter of a Teutonic Mexico, had the war party frothing at thernmouth. The House voted, 403 to 14, to arm American merchantrnships. Of the 14 dissenters, Lindbergh was the most caustic:rnAlthough plenty of Americans had been killed on belligerentrnships and neutral ships prior to the current crisis, he pointedrnout that “no action toward starting war was taken till the submarinernwarfare stopped flie munitions makers sending their goodsrnacross the ocean.”rnHe knew who his enemies were: ].P. Morgan & Co. was massivelyrninvested in financing the export of munitions and otherrnwar materials to the Allies. In a final dramatic gesture of defiance,rnLindbergh’s last act in Congress was to introduce articlesrnof impeachment against five members of the Federal ReservernBoard, all Morgan men, charging them with “high crimes andrnmisdemeanors” and “conspiracy to violate the Constitufion andrnthe laws of the land.”rnThe outbreak of repression and hysterical witch-hunting thatrnfollowed the declaration of war turned America into a virtualrnpolice state. The Espionage and Sedition Acts criminalized antiwarrnspeech and led to a wave of arrests: D.T. Blodgett of Iowarnwas sentenced to 20 years in jail for urging his neighbors not tornreelect members of Congress who voted for conscription, whilernKate Richards O’Hare of Missouri was given five years for complainingrnthat “the women of the United States are nothingrnmore or less than brood-sows, to raise children to get into thernarmy and be turned into fertilizer.” Around 2,000 Americansrnwere prosecuted for violating the Espionage Act: Almost halfrnwere convicted, of which 70 were given ten years and at least 30rncondemned to prison for 20 years. The repression was particularlyrnharsh in Lindbergh’s home state of Minnesota. Citing thernMinnesota Espionage Act, local prosecutors jailed someonernwho casually remarked to a woman who was knitting: “No soldierrnever sees these socks.”rnIt was the nadir of American liberty, a time whenrnBeethoven’s music was banned in Pittsburgh and Goethe andrnNietzsche were withdrawn from library stacks. The Committeernon Public Instruction, a government agency, turned the intellectualrnelites into the priesthood of the war god: Writers,rneconomists, historians, and academics of every sort were mobilizedrninto an army of propagandists which “instructed” thernAmerican people in the mvih of German war giult. In Nevada,rna local Council of Defense held a “people’s trial” and found thernlocal nonconformist guilty of “lukewarmness toward the causernof the United States and their allies,” a “crime” for which hernwas duly tarred and feathered. In many states, including Minnesota,rnsuch groups had official status as the “Commission onrnPublic Safety,” and they practically ran the state. The Minnesotarnantiwar agitator who declared that “we are going over tornEurope to make the world safe for democracy, but I tell you wernhad better make America safe for democracy first” was arrestedrnby order of the commission, and his conviction was upheld byrnthe Supreme Court on the grounds that “every word he utteredrnin denimciation of the war was false,” and “it would be a travestyrnon the constitutional privilege [of free speech] to assign himrnits protection.” A small-town Minnesota newspaper editor wasrnattacked and his presses destroyed because he was not sufficienriyrncritical of the Non-Partisan League, a group of farmersrnwhose muscular antiwar stance made them the target of jingoesrnthroughout the Midwest.rnLindbergh had always been a party insurgent, loyal to hisrnconscience rather than the leadership, and his final break withrnthe GOP was telegraphed near the end of his congressional career,rnas he stood on the floor of the House in the summer ofrn1916 and declared: “The plain truth is that neither of theserngreat parties, as at present led and manipulated by an invisiblerngovernment, is fit to manage the destinies of a great people.”rnUpon his return to Minnesota, he made common cause withrna rapidly growing agrarian protest movement that had its mainrnstrength in the upper Midwest—and was just beginning to feelrnthe first hammer blows of government repression. Founded inrnNorth Dakota in 1915, the Non-Partisan League was an associ-rn16/CHRONlCLESrnrnrn