121 CHRONICLESnBeyond this, more than a million so-called NeighborhoodnWatchers were recruited to serve without pay, or evennofficial identification in most cases, to serve quite literally asnspies or monitors upon their own neighborhoods; this, ofncourse, to pick up any possibly disloyal remarks from thenneighbors. As Samuel Morrison writes, it “was a wonderfulnopportunity to bring patriotism to the aid of neighborhoodnfeuds and personal grudges.”nIn 1917, at Wilson’s request, Congress passed thenEspionage Act which banned certain types of speech in theninterest of military recruitment under the draft. The followingnyear, also at Wilson’s request, Congress passed thenEspionage Act under which Victor Berger, the first socialistnever elected to Congress, and the notable labor leadernEugene Debs were sent for long sentences to federal prisonsnfor publicly questioning American entrance into the war.nThe Palmer Raids in 1919, raids without warrant by thenAttorney General, were only extensions of invasions ofnoffices and homes which had begun in late 1917. Priorncensorship of the press was considered by Wilson and hisnaides but, anticipating furor from publishers, scrapped innfavor of a law empowering the Postmaster General to opennall second- and third-class mail and instigate charges againstnpublishers of newspapers and magazines containing disloyalnand seditious material. All over America schoolbooks werenexamined by local, mostly self-appointed committees fornpossible harboring of songs, poems, stories, and essays bynGerman authors, no matter how far back in time they maynhave been or how distinguished.nTo this day it is unclear why President Wilson institutednso thorough, so total, a war government and encouragednwidest possible direct citizen action. He was aware of whatnhe was doing: “It is not an army we must shape,” hendeclared shortly after declaration of war; “it is a nation.” Butnwhy shape an entire nation, why the manifest overkill innsimply meeting war needs? The barrage of propagandanfrom the government was mild in World War ll comparednwith the First World War. Again, why? It is hard not tonsuppose that Wilson was engaged by intent in two wars: thenfirst, the war against Germany; the second, a war againstnwhat were to his mind the cultural and linguistic, perhapsneven genetic impurities which had entered his beloved “citynas on a hill” with the vast waves of immigration from bothnEastern Europe and Asia. Theodore Roosevelt had beennvoluble in his dislike of what he called “hyphenatednAmericans” and Wilson appears to have shared T.R.’sndistaste and also passion to see the fabled melting potnbubbling away at high heat. The almost fanatical search fornGerman spies in America, for ordinary pro-Germans indeed,nmay have covered a fear and distrust of all the newlynarrived in America. This was the age par excellence innAmerica for eugenics groups concerned with purity ofnAmerican blood and also for Americanist societies equallynconcerned with purity of ideas and allegiance.nCongress of course settled everything beginning in earlyn1919 by scuttling in record time the whole apparatus of thenwar state. It was not long before Army-Navy Stores were,nblossoming in every community and meatless Tuesdaysnwere abandoned, and the last of the anti-Kaiser postersneroded away by weather, though a full decade would benrequired for the retirement of Liberty Steak and return ofnnnhamburger. All of this was theoretically what every Americannhad been impatiently waiting for, the end of warnrestrictions, of Four-Minute Men with their insufferablenpomposities, of Neighborhood Watchers snooping around,nrelaying gossip, of the ridiculous but patriotic glass bowls innevery living room gathering the tinfoil from chewing-gumnpackages, and all that.nBut within a year many Americans found themselvesnperversely missing the war and the Great Crusade. Peacenwas by no means an unqualified blessing. Inflation — ornHCL as it was then popularly called, “high cost ofnliving” — was murderous. Employment had been steadynand well-paid during the war when cost-plus contracts werencommon. Profits had been good; several thousand millionairesnwere made by the war. There had been salutaryneconomic and social reforms under the pressure of supportingnthe war. There had been less discrimination againstnminorihes. Women, by virtue of taking the places of menncalled to service, were in the limelight as never before. Thatnfact together with the sharply diminished role of hard liquornduring the war surely helped the causes of the 18thnAmendment in 1919 and the 19th a year later.nOther aspects of the war on the home front were alsonmissed: the moral crusade and all its appurtenances hadnbeen collectively fulfilling. The First World War was ansinging war, in trenches and home front alike, as the SecondnWorld War was emphatically not. There were the spiritednparades at home, the familiar sight of Our Boys in uniformnwaiting to go Over There, the bond rallies with all one’snfavorite stars of Hollywood and Broadway, lots of spontaneousnnoise. There was one stillness, though, that almostneveryone noticed and liked: the stillness of an atmospherenpurged of strikes and lockouts and of the bitter acrimony ofnintervention versus isolation in the war. Instead there wasnsomething of what the English philosopher, L.P. Jacks,ncalled “the spiritual peace that war brings.”nThe truth, the poignant truth, was that America wasnfeeling a sense of national unity, of cohesion, and ofnsingle-mindedness it never had felt in its history: not in thenRevolutionary War, the War of 1812, not in the periodnleading up to and then following the bloody Civil War.nSoutherner and Northerner, Easterner and Westerner werenbrought together in one national army, fighting not eachnother but a common, hated enemy. We were engaged in thenGreat Crusade, and we fought, unlike some of our EuropeannAllies, for morality, for democracy made safe in thenworld, not for crass reasons of mere national interest.nNational war brought, as it so often has in modern times, thensense of war community and also national community.nPeople liked it.nA second major collective experience for Americans innthe Great War, one also the subject of frequent editorialsnand magazine articles, was the immense reinforcementngiven to the American idea of progress. Bryce had commented,nin a whole chapter, on what he called the Fatalismnof the Multitude in America, the ingrained conviction thatnAmerica was exceptional, was the mighty creature of a fatedndestiny denied other countries in the world. Bryce said thatnit was no Tyranny of the Majority, as Tocqueville hadnclaimed, which made for a certain uniformity of Americannthought, a distinct unwillingness to buck public opinion, butn