does not want the state to subsume whatnshould be social—and private. That isnvery human and not very clear—Nocknnotwithstanding.nThe fact is that when Dr. Rogge deliverednthat speech he was in the gripnof libertarianism in its fashionable earlynphase, before it dithered into its presentnmindless anarchism. Speaking as onenwho considered himself a libertarian,nDr. Rogge scorns liberals who believenin a Pure Food & Drug Administrationnbut who would shy at a Pure Books,nPlays & Film Administration. Dr. Roggenmade this comment before it becamenclear that liberals are in favor of censoringnwhatever is not liberal.nOn the other hand, Dr. Rogge’s ownnphilosophy, as he propounded it then,nis disarming. He believes, he said, thatn”it is the means that are used that arenthe most important.” That is a nearlynprofound observation that evokes respect,nand it is a shame that he followsnit with the declaration that he, Rogge,nis “no Utopian, but believes that mannleft free to enjoy and suffer can at leastnfully attain the dignity and tragedy thatncomes with being a man.” That is on thenverge of silliness: surely Homer was nonless a man for being a prisoner, andncertainly circumstances do not makenmen. Later on Dr. Rogge makes it verynclear that he himself knows that quitenwell. But it is also beginning to be clearnto the reader at this juncture that he isnreading speeches made at differing timesnto different audiences, with varyingnemphases made to rally and encouragenthe faithful and to woo the uncertain—ndelivered, in the libertarian mood, innthe name of being free of fixed positions.nLater on, with an admirable changenof pace. Dr. Rogge regaled an audiencenwith a remarkably interesting descriptionnof Father Rapp’s failed Indiana experimentnand the equally gallingncollapse of Robert Owen’s New Harmonynon the same site. In this instancenRogge unearthed a quotation by L.nBoUes regarding the illusion of the NewnHarmony people that they were aheadnof their time. “The truth is,” said BoUes,nS6inChronicles of Culturen”they were not up to their times; thatnmankind, in point of real faith, wasnahead of them. Their view that the evilnin human nature is owing to outwardnsurroundings, is an impeachment of thenprovidence of God. But they have taughtnus one great lesson: and that is that circumstancesndo not make good men.”nTo his everlasting credit Dr. Rogge wasnable to nearly equal that profound observation.n”New Harmony,” he concluded,n”was a testament to man’s capacitynto delude himself about his realnnature.” That leaves open, however,nthe inevitable next question: what isnman’s real nature? We are not told.nThose who continue to read will findnmore to delight, vex, encourage and dismaynthem. In “Christian Economics”nthe professor finds the term as ridiculousnas Christian mathematics, and concludesnthere is no such animal. That is a reactionnsimilar to that of the BritishnToo Good to Be TruenSir John Hackett, et al.: The ThirdnWorld War: August 1983; Macmillan;nNevi’ York.nby Alan J. LevinenIt may seem strange to suggest thatna fictional version of World War Threenmight be enjoyable reading, but thisnbook, a best seller in Britain and America,nis that. And that is the trouble withnit. Though gripping and well-written,nthis plea for a NATO rearmament drivenis just too optimistic to be convincing.n”Looking back” from 1987, the authorsngive an historical account of anThird World War fought in the summernof 1985 with “conventional,” nonnuclearnweapons, its strategic pattern andnsetting resembling the First World Warnmore than the Second. The authorsnassume that Soviet military power andnAlan J. Levine writes for the Chroniclesnfrom New York City.nnnscientists who concluded there was nonsuch creature as a platypus—even whennconfronted with n the other hand. Can CapitalismnSurvive?s a collection of speeches that,nreduced to cold print, are bereft ofnRogge’s voice, wit, charm and personality.nDelivered on various platforms innthe press of events and in the presencenof hundreds, they helped bring us all tonthe present promising stage of conservativenthought far more than a late readernmay realize. For that matter, this volumenmay itself enlist many more thousands.nCertainly, nowhere will liberalsnfind themselves more urbanely rebutted.nAnd even though this volume is not,nstrictly speaking, literature, there isnlittle doubt that its publication is excellentnpolitics that, for once, is on thenside of civilization. Dnaggressiveness will continue to grow,nbut between 1979 and 1984 the Westernnpowers react by belatedly buildingnup their own conventional forces. (Yetnthey have a Popular Front governmentntaking power in France, and a continuednshift to the communists in Italy.) Sovietnpower in southern and eastern Africanis consolidated, and a leftist overturnnof the Egyptian government is followednby the seizure of most of the Arabiannpeninsula—the authors seem to imaginenthat Israel would permit this. Yugoslavianbegins to disintegrate.nFaced with trouble in their EasternnEuropean empire, and calculating thatntheir strength is at a peak, the Sovietsnlaunch open aggressions in the MiddlenEast, South Africa and then Yugoslavia.nSoviet forces invading Yugoslavia clashnwith American marines; shortly afternthis the Soviets invade West Germany,nwith the limited aim of occupying it andncausing NATO’s collapse. The Sovietsnoverrun Denmark, Austria, Italy, andn