OPINIONSrnClip Clop, Bang Bangrnby J.O. TaternQuantrill’s War: The Life and Timesrnof William Clarke Quantrillrnby Duane SchultzrnNew York: St. Martin’s Press;rn338 pp., $24.95rnThe Devil Knows How to Ride:rnThe True Story of William ClarkernQuantrill and His Confederate Raidersrnby Edward E. LesliernNew York: Random 1 louse:rn534 pp., $30.00rnThe manipulative sensationalism regardingrnany display of the Confederaternbattle flag continues unabated.rnThe New York Times gets hot and bothered,rnor sexually aroused—or whatever itrnis that the New York Times becomes—rnwhenever that banner appears oer therncapitol of South Carolina or on a anitrntag in Maryland, indeed anvwhere. Thernshibboleths of liberalism are appliedrnwhenever it is possible to maintain powerrntoday by controlling the nationalrnmemory of yesterday, and the day before.rn”Heritage Not Hate” is the motto ofrnsome who defend the right to display therndisputed flag, but the problem may bernthat hate is precisely what our heritage is.rnStrangely enough, that hate was broadcastrna century and a half ago b spokesmenrnfor a gospel of love—and it still is. Itrnhas long since become the language ofrnpower in our societ”.rnWhat a shame that our effort to rememberrnour own history should itself bernso contentious. But then again, thernCivil W-‘ar was a shame itself, and there isrnsomething perversely appropriate in havingrnthe national memory supervised byrnj.O. Tate is a professor of English atrnDowling College on Long Island.rnreplicants of the most obnoxious personalitiesrnof that war. Sure, rememberingrnthe Civil War is one thing Americansrnought to do, and for a host of reasons.rnThe memor- of heroic actions, ofrncourage and sacrifice, hae traditionallyrnbeen thought to be the stuff of civicrnvirtue, as Pericles memorabK indicated.rnBut while 1 do believe fliat there is somethingrnto be gained b- culti’ating thernmemory of great deeds, I also believernthat there can be a chastening profit inrnremembering cowardice, cruelty, andrnmendacity as well. The Civil War was arndegrading as well as a glorious experience.rnAbove all, it was a bloody one.rnFor eer- image of a brave soldierrncharging forward, we should also rememberrna skulking “bunrmcr” burning downrnsome old lady’s house. Killing in combatrnis not murder, but there was plenty ofrnmurder in the C]ivil War and wanton destructionrnof property. “Mr. Lincoln’s Invasion”rnwas among other things a giganticrnstick-up, and the pseudo-Biblicalrncadences to which wc have resorted everrnsince in order to sugarcoat the bitternessrnarc today parroted b those kindly humanoidsrnwho promote gross infanticidernas a palliative for “women’s health,” allrnthe while intoning their concern for ourrnchildren. To whose advantage, somernmay wonder, is all the confusion and divisivcness?rnBut not to worry. The editorsrnof the New York limes are feeling fine.rnPerhaps a little sober reflection andrneven humility are in order, for just as thernStars and Stripes do not exclusively representrneverything we would wish themrnto, the Confederate flag does not either.rn1 do not think that the Confederate flagrnwas flown b tlic raiders who sackedrnLawrence, Kansas, on August 21, 1863,rnburning oer 100 houses and shootingrndead some 200 unarmed boys and men.rnQuantrill was a captain in the ConfederaternArmy, but his appropriate bannerrnwould have been the one nominated byrnKit Dalton in his reminiscences. Underrnthe Black Flag. Frank James and ColernYounger declared after the war that theyrnnever saw this black flag, but to me it isrnthe black flag, not the Confederate one,rnthat represents cvervthing vile in violence.rnThere can be no justification forrnthe atrocities at Lawrence, but the storyrnof the border strife between Missourirnand Kansas—the real beginning of thernCivil War—shows that there was a backgroundrnof hatred and revenge. Whenrnthe war began, the Yankee Abolitionistsrnwere enfranchised and the Southern firecatersrnwere too. In this chaos, as Duanern32/CHRONICLESrnrnrn