The ascent of an anti-white egalitarian to House Democratic Leader shows that the American left intends to double-down on racial politics.

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It’s become a media ritual: Declare ‘historic’ any nomination, appointment, or election that breaks the glass ceiling of putative white heterosexual male dominance. In this manufactured drama, Americans are supposed to cheer, fist-pump and whoop in unison over any news indicating that a person of color, a woman, or someone of non-binary gender has been chosen for a really important job. Whatever the “first”—the first openly lesbian mayor in Texas, the first black NHL hockey goalie, or the first Hispanic U.S. senator from Ohio—it’s historic!

New York Congressman Hakeem Jeffries is feeling pretty historic lately. This past Nov. 30, Democrats in the House of Representatives, following a closed-door unanimous vote, named Jeffries to succeed Nancy Pelosi as their leader. News outlets could barely contain themselves. ABC News breathlessly declared in a headline, “Hakeem Jeffries Makes History as 1^st Black Party Leader in Congress,” and then in the lede, “House Democrats on Wednesday elected a historic new generation of leaders.” The Associated Press trumpeted, “Jeffries Wins Historic Bid to Lead House Dems After Pelosi.” The Hill, a newspaper covering Congress, announced, “In Historic Vote Democrats Pick Jeffries to Replace Pelosi as Party Leader,” triumphantly noting that Jeffries is “the first Black figure to lead either party in Congress in the nation’s history.” CBS News declared in a headline, “Hakeem Jeffries Elected House Democratic Leader in Historic First.”

Should we presume that the nation is better off? From the standpoint of those who write such puerile copy, we should. The ascent of Jeffries, a light-complexioned black, to the rank of house minority leader affirms our nation’s commitment to erase its racist past. His rise to the top of the political food chain might not be as whoop-worthy as Barack Obama’s election to the presidency in 2008, but it comes close.

Hakeem Jeffries, now 52, born to social-worker parents in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, can be seen as Barack Obama reborn. He’s well-spoken and has an impressive education resume, with a B.A. from State University of New York at Binghamton, a master’s degree in public policy from Georgetown and a law degree from New York University. After lengthy stints with the Paul, Weiss, Rifkind law firm and the New York State Assembly, Jeffries made his big political move in 2012, declaring his candidacy to represent New York’s heavily black 8^th Congressional District, which mostly encompasses southern and eastern portions of Brooklyn. The district had been represented by Democrat Jerrold Nadler until its post-Census redrawing—none dare call it gerrymandering.

Jeffries actually appeared sensible compared to his primary opponent, then-New York City Councilman Charles Barron, a black nationalist loon—the same Charles Barron who nine years later, as a New York State lawmaker, would secure the removal of the statue of Thomas Jefferson in the City Council Chamber. Jeffries routed Barron by 72 percent to 28 percent and then defeated Republican sacrificial lamb Alan Bellone by an even larger margin in the general election. He’s been walking tall on Capitol Hill ever since.

For four years starting in January 2019, Jeffries served as House Democratic caucus chairman. Like Obama, his conciliatory personal style masks an ambitious anti-white egalitarianism. This is especially evident on the issue of crime. “We are in the midst of a bipartisan moment as it relates to criminal justice reform and dealing with incarceration in America which disproportionately impacts the African-American community,” he said, referring to the First Step Act of 2018, which he and Rep. Doug Collins, R-Ga., co-sponsored and which President Trump foolishly signed. Jeffries cannot admit that blacks are disproportionately responsible for activities that land people in prison in the first place. According to FBI Uniform Crime Reports, in 2021 blacks committed 60.4 percent of all murders in which the race of the offender was known. That’s a hefty figure for people who comprise a little over an eighth of the population.

By Hakeem Jeffries’ logic, until the numbers even out, blacks should receive more lenient sentences—or perhaps no sentences at all—than whites who commit the same crimes. We’ve recently seen the consequences of this obsession in Chicago, St. Louis, New York City, Philadelphia and other cities—very much the handiwork of a new breed of radical district attorneys.

If Jeffries sees black criminals more as victims than as victimizers, he doesn’t extend his sympathy to cops. “We are going to need to break this blue wall of silence if we’re ever going to dramatically change and end the culture of police violence,” he has stated.

Rep. Jeffries’ main passion seems to be driving Donald Trump out of public life. With great enthusiasm, he served as a House manager for the first Trump impeachment. He also has declared on at least nine occasions, without evidence, that Trump “stole” the 2016 presidential election. In 2019, for example, he claimed that a “cloud of illegitimacy” hangs over the Trump presidency. And in 2020, he tweeted that history will never accept Trump as a “legitimate president.” Such outbursts prompted the normally staid Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell to denounce Jeffries from the floor on Dec. 1, 2022.

Jeffries’ resentment toward Donald Trump knows no bounds. For him, the Trump administration operated as a District of Columbia chapter of the Ku Klux Klan. In January 2019, in conjunction with Martin Luther King Jr. Day, he remarked: “These are challenging times in the United States of America. We have a hater in the White House, a birther in chief, the Grand Wizard of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.”

Hakeem Jeffries, then, is fully on board with the Great Reset of America. He just wants to reset things sensibly. He’ll have ample help from two other principals of his House leadership team, Minority Whip Katherine Clark (Mass.) and Caucus Chairman Pete Aguilar (Calif.).

Clark, who for two years had been vice chairman of the House Democratic Caucus under Jeffries, is a Church of Diversity airhead despite (or perhaps because of) her Cornell law degree. In a 2020 interview, she remarked, “We don’t just use the incredible historic diversity of the House Democratic Caucus as a talking point, but … weave that diversity into our agenda.” Rep. Aguilar is best known for his prominent role on the House Select Committee for the Jan. 6, 2021 Capitol Building “insurrection.” He asserted during an October 2022 interview with MSNBC’s Nicolle Wallace that the committee subpoenaed testimony from former President Trump because “all roads lead” to him.

As during the Pelosi reign, rank-and-file House Democrats might think twice about straying.

Attracting special attention to Hakeem Jeffries, and justifiably so, is his relationship with his paternal uncle, Leonard Jeffries. During much of the 1990s, the elder Jeffries regularly made news and editorial pages while, as chairman of the Black Studies Department at City College of New York (CCNY), proselytizing for what we call today critical race theory. This pan-African reprobate regularly asserted in classroom lectures that Western civilization is one long act of white supremacist theft and destruction of African-derived cultures.

Professor Jeffries had an explanation. Whites were “ice people”—cold, selfish, and violent. Blacks, by contrast, were “sun people”—warm, peaceful, and compassionate. This difference was due to the high content of skin melanin in black people, which enabled them to “negotiate the vibrations of the universe and to deal with the ultraviolet rays of the sun.” Say what?

The elder Jeffries lent his flaky presence to a panel, organized by the New York State Education Department, for the purpose of achieving “inclusion.” The ensuing 1989 report would be a public relations nightmare and was shelved in favor of a toned-down version released a couple years later. But Leonard Jeffries wasn’t about to leave the limelight. In July 1991, during a televised speech at the Empire State Black Arts and Cultural Festival in Albany, he asserted that powerful Jews controlled the trans-Atlantic black slave trade and used movie studios to marginalize blacks.

Ludicrous as such charges were, black “civil rights” activists had his back. Reverend Al Sharpton was particularly incendiary, playing no small part in fomenting anti-Jewish sentiment among blacks, one consequence of which was rioting for several nights during August 1991 in Crown Heights. With Jeffries now a public figure, CCNY removed him as Black Studies Department chairman, but without firing him. Jeffries sued to win back his chairmanship, triggering a lengthy court battle resulting in his reinstatement and then dismissal once more.

The most egregious enabler of this academic fraudster, considering the size of the audience, is Wikipedia. With a straight face, and without references to his critics, the website’s entry for Leonard Jeffries reads:

Jeffries became popular among students and as a speaker at college campuses and public organizations. He is known for his Pan-African Afrocentrist views—that the role of African people in history and the accomplishments of African Americans are far more important than commonly held.

Is Wikipedia now an image consulting firm?

Hakeem Jeffries long has been close to his uncle, and he admitted as much in a Wall Street Journal interview published in April 2013. But he emphasizes that he and his uncle diverge on a number of issues and that, as a congressman, he is focused on urban policy rather than race. The claim is disingenuous. Since the black riots of the 1960s, urban policy in this country has been heavily reconfigured to benefit blacks. To be sure, he disavows Uncle Leonard’s Jewish conspiracy theories. But given that his congressional district is about 15 percent Jewish, he might be motivated more by political preservation than high principle.

Hakeem Jeffries sees his House minority leader role as an opportunity to expand upon his party’s achievements, such as they are. In a Nov. 30 press release, he declared:

Over the last few years, House Democrats have delivered extraordinary results for the American People. We are going to continue to put People Over Politics and fight for all our values.

In other words, things won’t be different from before.

No one sheds tears for the passing of the Nancy Pelosi era. With or without the Speaker’s gavel, Pelosi embodied the worst traits of latter-day socialism, feminism, and machine politics, unleashing them on opponents with insufferable moral righteousness. And she’s not going anywhere, having easily won reelection in her San Francisco district. Bearing the new honorific title of Speaker Emerita, she can be counted on to work against anything proposed by the Republican majority.

As Hakeem Jeffries advances his party’s “transformative” agenda, he will receive plenty of mentoring along the way. He doesn’t have to apply menacing, schizophrenic bombast, having demonstrated his ability to use the law to extract wealth and power from the ostensibly privileged. Like Barack Obama and the “new” Al Sharpton, Jeffries knows that guile and tenacity succeed where aggression and crudity don’t. The road to anti-white socialism can’t afford self-constructed detours.

Herein lies the real significance of those lazy, imbecilic media declarations of “historic” moments. The journalists who concoct these celebrations are fully wedded to an ideal of social equality, which, as the late Sam Francis observed, is at once a myth and a subterfuge. Even its avowed supporters don’t believe in it. In practice, social equality is a rhetorical device designed to: 1) enable certain groups of persons to win short-term benefits, and 2) deflect public attention from the ulterior goal of absolute power. In the context of our nation, this means power over whites, especially if they are male and/or heterosexual.

It is imperative that House Republicans generate historic moments of their own and stop this juggernaut. They may have only two years in which to succeed.