Jihadophilia (/d??’h??do’f?lj?/) is a mental disorder affecting members of the Western (West European, North American and Anglo-Antipodean) elite class, mostly politicians, journalists, academics and civil servants. J. is characterized by a breakdown of the ability to name Muslims as perpetrators of the acts of Islamic terrorism, by the tendency to systematically ignore Islam as a factor in terrorist attacks or to deny its relevance in such attacks, and by an acute deficit of the capacity or will to provide appropriate institutional or emotional responses to such attacks.
Common symptoms of J. include hallucinations, usually in the form of an imaginary “peaceful and tolerant Islam,” paranoid or bizarre delusions, usually in the form of “right-wing terrorists, white supremacists and Christian extremists,” and disorganized speech and thinking, usually in the form of inappropriate and bizarre attempts to characterize acts of Islamic terrorism as generic terrorist acts unmotivated by Jihad, or else not “terrorist” at all.
A recent example includes reactions in Britain to the gruesome murder in London of a soldier by machete-wielding Muslims shouting Allahu Akbar on May 22. “We swear by almighty Allah we will never stop fighting you,” one of the attackers declared immediately after the attack in a video clip shown on the ITV website. “The only reason we have done this is because Muslims are dying every day. This British soldier is an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.”
Prime Minister David Cameron subsequently admitted there were “indications” it was an act of terrorism, without indicating by whom. Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, Metropolitan Police Commissioner, described the murder as “shocking and horrific,” without qualifying it. Counter-terrorism expert and former MI5 and MI6 official Richard Barrett allowed the possibility of some unnamed terrorist connection: “The idea that this may be terrorism-inspired by some sort of religious extremist belief [emphasis added] is quite plausible.” London Mayor Boris Johnson said that “the fault lies wholly and exclusively in the warped and deluded mindset of the people who did it.” He then urged London’s citizens to “go about their lives in the normal way.”
Only two days earlier, British Home Secretary Theresa May was criticized for refusing to reveal how many “terror suspects” (of unstated religious affiliation) are living in London under special rules to prevent them from carrying out attacks. David Anderson QC, the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation, had repeatedly called for the Government to publish the location, by region, of people subjected to Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures, but ministers are refusing to agree to the proposal, arguing that it might risk “compromising” their anonymity. The Home Office argued that the package of restrictions struck the “right balance” between protecting the public and the rights of the terror suspects. In view of the fact, reported by the BBC, that one of the machete attackers was arrested last year on his way to join al-Shabaab Islamic terrorist group in Somalia, striking the “right balance” comes at a cost, mostly of non-Muslim lives.
In the United States J. was manifested in President Obama’s initial reaction to the Boston bombings. Loath to imply a Muslim connection, he initially refused to use the word “terrorism.” Over the past four years he has banned the use of the words “Muslim” or “Islam” in the official American discourse on terrorism. By mandating the disconnect, he and his officials are displaying a mature form of the syndrome, as manifested in the Department of Defense’s classification of Maj. Hasan’ s Ft. Hood murders as “workplace violence.”
Institutional manifestations of Jihadophilia are evident in the Department of Homeland Security’s current anti-terrorism training guidelines, which pressure law enforcement officers to ignore Islamic faith of potential suspects when investigating terror crimes. Under the federal guidelines, agents are admonished to discount the possibility that a Muslim’s constitutionally protected disdain for the United States might possibly lead to violence. As a result, the Boston attack was carried out by a jihadist who had been investigated by the FBI, who was confirmed in 2011 to be a self-avowed Islamist—yet before the bombing, the FBI closed its file because it found this did not constitute “derogatory information” on Tamerlan Tsarnaev. Even if FBI operatives knew of Tsarnaev’s subsequent indoctrination journey to the Caucasus—and they were alerted by their Russian colleagues—they would not have restarted their 2011 investigation because of J.
Jihadophilia is accompanied by significant social or occupational dysfunction, manifested in the inability or unwillingness of politicians to devise coherent anti-terrorist strategies or immigration policies, in the readiness of civil servants (including the military, national security and intelligence organizations) to comply with the delusional orders or guidelines for action, and the acceptance of the delusional paradigm by the media and the academe as reality. The onset of J. symptoms typically occurs upon the patient’s initiation into the ranks of the Western elite class, usually in young adulthood, with a global lifetime prevalence of about 99 percent for the members of the said class, regardless of the patient’s party-political affiliation or self-reported ideological preferences. Such high percentage is due to the fact that any manifestation of the absence of J. in a member of the Western elite class invariably leads to the accusations of “Islamophobia” and “racism” and the exclusion of the healthy person from the ranks of that class.
Numerous examples of J.-initiated exclusion include Lt. Col. Matthew Dooley, a highly respected and decorated officer, who was fired in the wake of Muslim groups complaining about the approved course he taught on radical Islam at National Defense University. After 57 Islamic organizations complained to Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he displayed aggravated symptoms of J. when, in addition to ordering Dooley to be fired, he also ordered a negative Officer Evaluation Report against Dooley—the first such after 20 glowing annual reviews following his graduation from West Point. Earlier this year Dooley was punished again: Gen. Lloyd J. Austin III, who is now head of U.S. Central Command, vetoed Dolley’s move to a battalion command position. His actions, for which no reason was given but J. is strongly indicated, effectively spell the end of Dooley’s career. According to Richard Thompson, president of the Thomas More Law Center who is representing Dooley, “The way they’re treating him now is not only a total miscarriage of justice on a personal level, but it also is really removing an effective combat leader from the Army, and it ultimately affects the national security of the United States.” Thomson adds that Army leaders willingly threw Dooley “under the bus for their own advancement or to appease the Muslims, which ultimately could lead to the destruction of the United States internally. If we cannot accurately describe who the enemy is, how can we win a war?” (Thompson’s question clearly indicated the absence of J. which may make his own long-term position at the TMLC uncertain.)
More recently, Gregory Hicks, the Deputy Mission Chief in Tripoli, was penalized by J. sufferers for refusing to go along with the Administration’s delusional claim that the jihadist attack in Benghazi last September 11 was the result of a spontaneous demonstration triggered off by an “anti-Islamic” amateur video. Within weeks, he received a “blistering critique” of his management from his J.-affected superiors at the Department of State.
Jihadophilia diagnosis is based on observed behavior and on the reported experiences of the victims of J.-affected patients’ acts. The clinical anamnesis of J. usually includes terminal de-Christianization, frontopolar and anterior temporal cortex degeneracy, and dependence on the mainstream media and mass culture in forming the Weltanschauung, but early-age political and social indoctrination appear to be important contributory factors. In particular, exposure to university education—especially at one of the leading institutions—appears to worsen J. symptoms. Some current research on J. is focused on the contributory role of Saudi money, although no single isolated “quantitative” cause has been found. The many possible combinations of symptoms have triggered debate about whether the diagnosis represents a single disorder or a number of discrete syndromes, such as the Weiningerian self-hate syndrome articulated by Dr. S. Trifkowitz in the 1990’s.
People with Jihadophilia are likely to have additional (comorbid) conditions, including advocacy of “immigration reform” (i.e. amnesty) and “gay marriage,” as well as the lifetime occurrence of substance use disorder, primarily of power (as described by John Dalberg, 1st Baron Acton), but the secondary propensity to graft should not be neglected. The disorder initially affects cognition, but J’s behavioral consequences invariably lead to chronic morbidities, such as the native European and European-descended population replacement by the unassimilable—in Europe’s case overwhelmingly Muslim—immigrant communities.
The mainstay of Jihadophilia treatment is still in the development stage. Psychotherapy and vocational and social rehabilitation are believed to be ineffective. Involuntary hospitalization will be necessary when the social and political conditions make J’s long-overdue effective treatment methods possible, probably a decade or two from now.
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